Canadian Federal / Provincial Relations

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Federal – Provincial Relations: Consociationalism in a fragmented federation J O S H V A N D E R V I E S

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Allan Blakeney Premier of Saskatchewan 1971-1982 I do not believe that the national interest is represented by a consensus of all provincial governments. The federal government has a role to play. It is not a creature of the provinces. This is not a confederation. Nor, however, do I believe that the national interest is ascertained by the majority will of Canadians. […] The essence of Canada is therefore that on major matters we need a double majority. We need the majority of citizens as expressed by the popular will in the House of Commons and we need the majority, however defined, of the regional will. That is the essence of a federal state.

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Is the federal government a creature of the Provinces? Compound Compact Dual Nation

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The Canadian Federation “…almost totally lacking in a genuinely shared set of symbols, heroes, historical incidents, enemies, or even ambitions.” - John Meisel Instead it is argued that Canada possesses an abundance of strong regional, or provincial, identities.

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Consociational Democracy In a society absent of “cross-cutting cleavages,” or national identity political elites must play a conscious role in deliberately overcoming the effects of cultural fragmentation. Lijphart suggests that interaction of masses in different subcultures should be kept to a minimum, as mutual encounters result in friction and destability of the national order. In reality, varying degrees of national identity and sentiment exist - the concept marks a relative weakness in national popular sentiment, and the overcoming of this weakness through a process of elite accomodation. (Noel, 155)

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Elite Accommodation Numerous federal boards, commissions and councils Built in provincial representatives as basis of membership Day-today communication between federal and provincial bureaucrats Interprovincial Bodies Council of Ministers of Education Federal - Provincial conferences Federal Cabinet

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The Federal Cabinet Based on the representative character of the Canadian Cabinet, it is the Prime Minister’s role to breed a culture of federal success. Failures Fall of the Diefenbaker government: Did not have anti-Quebec policy, but its failure to involve a Quebec political elite in the federal process led to downfall. Collapse of the Liberal Party in Ontario Laurier’s failure was not one of policy, but of failing to include an Ontario political elite in the federal process after the resignation of Sir Oliver Mowat in 1897.

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“If a Prime Minister is unable or unwilling to perform what may be called his ‘elite accommodation role’ he is unlikely to survive for long [to perform his other roles].” (Noel, 158)

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The First Ministers’ Conference

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Since World War II, and especially after 1960, the power of the federal government has seen a decline while the provinces have enjoyed gains - making them more assertive and confident in an often antagonistic system of “executive federalism.” After this time, the constitution also ceased to be an accurate guide to jurisdictional and taxation realities – putting extreme strain on the federal-provincial relation. Section 91 – Federal Powers Trade and Commerce The exclusive right to taxation Postal Service National Defence Currency and Banks Immigration etc. Section 92 – Provincial Powers Generally all matters of a merely local and private nature Healthcare Welfare Education

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Lack of public awareness to the decision-making importance of First Ministers’ Conferences (FMCs) Extremely important nonetheless. Federal-Provincial Relations Office (FPRO) + Provincial Counterparts The bulk of the work done by these agencies is directly for the Premier / Prime Minister. “…the implicit and single-minded purpose of the inter-governmental affairs managers at the provincial level is to safeguard and if possible to extend the range of jurisdictional autonomy, including of course the revenues that the provinces have under their unshared control.” (Wallace, 73)

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Prime Minister: Sir Wilfrid Laurier1. Conference of the Representatives of the Government of Canada and the Various ProvincesOttawa, October 8-13, 1906– Financial subsidies to the provinces Prime Minister: Paul Martin76. First Ministers’ MeetingOttawa, January 30, 2004– Health care, public health, Canada-U.S. relations, emergency management Issues treated: Financial issues (transfer schemes) The Constitution Energy Policy Aboriginal Issues Cooperative Healthcare Initiatives

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Record for solving problems at an FMC is extremely poor. Grandstanding. Examples of concrete policies or initiatives: CPP / QPP National Healthcare

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Proceedings

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Leadership Style “…watching Trudeau dominate the premiers at First Ministers’ Conferences, immobile, sphynx-like, but puissant, at the head of the horseshoe table, evokes [the description of] ‘slightly sneering… dominating the room with an astringency, a sheathed cleverness, that inhibited all but the most self-confident.” (Wallace, 77) “Mulroney was hoping that an atmosphere of trust, conciliation, and consensus could go a long way in resolving the centrifugal tensions in the federation. Like Clark and Turner before him, Mulroney assumed that the confrontations of the early 1980s had more to do with the personality of Pierre Trudeau than with the dynamics of the system.” (Wallace, 80)

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Factors to Agreement Lack of publicity Low levels of symbolic content Relative indifference in economic treatment to regions Lack of strong ideological significance “Fed bashing” can often be great politics for premiers, especially if an FMC falls near election time. Dramatic walkouts – René Lévesque in the wake of his 1981 “exclusion” on Constitutional talks.

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Trudeau Farewell Speech

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Fin mbush23@uwo.ca