japanese nuclear crisis - media ethics

Japanese Nuclear Crisis Media ethics from a deontological perspective: 

Japanese Nuclear Crisis Media ethics from a deontological perspective

Slide 2: 

The media primarily gathers, selects, presents and clarifies information. It reports to the public what is happening around them in varying parts and fields of society and also deliberates how a particular incident or story effects them. The media also plays a significant role in the advancement and existence of society and i n order to do so, it has to conduct pertinent dutie s. Under these terms, society has to be viewed as a multifaceted system consisting of interrelated units or components (Kieran, 1998).

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Mass media is one such unit within the complex system of society. As such it performs some important functions to further the development of society as a whole (Kieran, 1998). This perspective forms the theoretical focus of “ structural functionalism ’. These roles include those of news surveillance , correlation, socialization and entertainment (Kieran, 1998) . However , in addition with this ability to sway and form public actions and reactions comes accountability. In some instances, the media can pass beyond its limits and convey too many details established on rumors. This can give rise to a “feeding frenzy and war nerves” where people are likely to inaptly overreact due to distortion of information (Alia, 2004) .

Ethics in the Media: 

Ethics in the Media

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According to Plaisance, the field of ethics, also known as moral philosophy, entails organizing, protecting, and advocating concepts of right and wrong conduct . The issues of freedom of speech and aesthetic values are principally present in media ethics (Plaisance, 2008). T he dilemma with a media founded on free enterprise is the problem of regulation. Free speech is regulated by the principle of utility (the greatest good for the greatest number ). A utilitarian right is distinct from a natural or inalienable right. Under a utilitarian conception, freedom of the press involves not just a right, but a duty (Stevens, 2003).

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Most consequentialist theories center on upholding some type of good consequences. However, a consequentialist theory could also be perceived as focusing exclusively on reducing bad consequences (negative utilitarianism ). One main variance between these two methods is the mediator's responsibility. Positive consequentialism claims that we should produce a good states of affairs, while negative consequentialism may only require that bad ones are prevented. A more determined type of negative consequentialism may essentially necessitate active intervention to prevent harm from being done (Taylor, 1994). Therefore , members of the mass media industry must be entrusted to regulate themselves and act professionally (Taylor, 1994) .

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S ocial accountability necessitates a balance of private enterprise rights with fundamental social interests. The press itself should acknowledge that considerations of public welfare should override unfettered statements. The right to freedom of expression is not absolute; it is conditional upon acceptance of this social duty or obligation (Taylor, 1994). Another characteristic of media ethics is the contrasting nature of its goals. Ethical dilemmas develop when goals contradict one another. The objectives of media usage diverge sharply.

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The subject of ethics in media accountability leads me to the issue of press coverage in relation to the ongoing nuclear “crisis” in Japan from a deontological perspective.

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James defines a crisis as a “natural or manmade event that presents an immediate and serious threat to the lives and property or to the peace of mind of many” (James, 2008) . A crisis is habitually unforeseen marked by unpredictability and uncertainty. It has the power to effect large populations. Usually crises are national in nature where, people come together and share one common experience. But, the national crisis can spill into international waters. People having similar cultural heritages and geographic proximity can also be effected by a national crisis ( Dinham , 2000 ).

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On March 11 2011, there was widespread destruction caused in north-east Japan after a colossal 8.9 magnitude earthquake - the biggest in the country's history - sent a destructive 10m tsunami across parts of the country devastating the coast. More than 20,000 people were killed or are still missing, and many citizens lost their homes and communities .

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In conjunction with these natural disasters, on 12th of March 2011 an explosion at Japan's Fukushima No.1 nuclear plant consequently suffered hydrogen explosions and apparent nuclear fuel damage with news of a radiation leak and reports of potential meltdown.

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Although I assert that while it was moral to be concerned about the nuclear situation, it was unethical for the media industry to misguidedly sensationalize the issue in the wake of the nation’s suffering from the earthquake to make it a prime focus of their concern.

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Main Issue: Sensationalism

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The issue pertaining to media ethics here is that the nature of coverage of the nuclear crisis was at the time equivalent to the making of a potential disaster alongside an actual one . Although the western media is based upon the standard of objective reporting, in industrial democracies the media is susceptible to commercial competition (Plaisance, 2008) . This insinuates that not only does the media choose, communicate, interprets information and takes a position out of its institutional ideological principles, it also has to entertain audiences (Plaisance, 2008) . Therefore , the media can be susceptible to sensationalism.

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The concept of sensationalism indicates the extent to which journalists feel compelled to use an overdramatic style of presentation in the construction of news stories (Alia, 2004). Sensationalism focuses on emotionalism rather than reason, on entertainment rather than facts (Alia, 2004). Its content also frequently involves a large imbalance of subjectivity over objectivity. Sensationalism in the media places a significant prominence on four problematic areas: immediacy, inaccuracy, drama and ethnocentrism (Alia, 2004). Whilst almost all of the media engages these criteria within the stages of news construction, the level of emphasis can differ and thus can have an substantial effect on a recovery process - the higher the level of sensationalism, the more damaging the role it plays. Specifically addressing the recent media coverage of the Japanese nuclear crisis, sensational reporting or yellow journalism for boosts in circulation and ratings were not always factually or objectively correct and this had many adverse effects.

Slide 20: 

Due to the fact that the media has a very influential role on public education and decision- making especially in times of a crisis, owing to the vast amount of Western media sensationalism Japan's Foreign Ministry was forced to ask foreign media to objectively report on the developing crisis at the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant, as reports considered melodramatic or based on incorrect information had unnecessarily fuelled concerns and thus led to import restrictions on Japanese products. State Foreign Secretary Chiaki Takahashi believed that some reports by foreign media on the Fukushima crisis were ‘‘excessive’’ and (had) urged the organizations responsible for the stories through Japanese diplomatic missions abroad to correctly and objectively disseminate information. (The Japan Times). Consequently , sensationalist reporting that warps reality or are not accurately justified can have many harmful effects on a country's economic, tourism and health industries. Another result of the deep Western media focus on the Fukushima nuclear power plant during the crisis was that it consequently took attention away from the enormous amount of suffering that Japan experienced as a whole from the natural disasters that preceded the explosion .

Example of sensationalist coverage (excerpt):: 

Example of sensationalist coverage (excerpt): No rest for Japan quake victims The Star: Rosie DiManno , 17/03/11 “FUKUSHIMA — It’s freezing in hell .” “All the heat in this god forsaken corner of the world — a spooky no-go zone – is contained in the spent fuel rods that have emerged from their cooling pools in at least two of the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power station reactors, steam hissing forth menacingly from one of them .” But the rest of the prefecture, or state, in North Eastern Japan has been plunged into winter again – if not nuclear winter , not yet… A full meltdown could eject thousands of tonnes of radioactive dust into the air, exposing millions to severe health risks , which is putting it mildly .

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A review of the article in full : citing the expression "nuclear winter" in an ill-chosen context proposing it is a likelihood; raising fears by making various allegations with no evident factual justification; wide use of subjective language over objective information; slanting the cause for the Fukushima plant's failure; altering a quotation by a government official to sound indecent/ immoral; overall patronizing tone When the public was in need of vital information from the media about the situation surrounding the nuclear reactors themselves, they were provided with worst-case scenarios. Misleading headings with contrasting articles - as were commonly published at the time - is also a disservice to a very serious issue.

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These points give rise to the ethical issue of: Accuracy and Standards for Reporting Vs. Fear Mongering

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Fear mongering is the use of alarming language and misleading information to influence the beliefs and choices of others to a particular end. The object or issue is often embellished and this pattern is habitually one of repetition so that the projected effects of this tactic are relentlessly reinforced (Glassner, 1999). In the wake of the Japanese nuclear situation, traditional media resorted to unwarranted fear mongering in order to broadcast their reports. Most networks failed to distinguish between news reporting and news commentary. It stays the case that there have been no determinate radiological health effects among employees at the Fukushima plant or to the public, and all indications suggest that this will continue to be the case. Nevertheless, the world media has persisted with progressively dramatic and unprincipled attempts to portray the situation as a crisis.

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When chemical regulation is involved, evaluating the degree to which media coverage of risks is accurate and calculated is exceptionally complicated. This issue exhibits various underlying philosophical perspectives on the idyllic position of the media in reporting risk (Eriksson, 2010). Media coverage of chemical risks is the result of social and cultural processes and generates certain forms of reality that do not simply reflect a single truth. They are shaped by a collection of notions about the target audience and the editorial characteristic of the media outlet, as well as typical story-telling mechanisms (Eriksson, 2010). According to Beck, a prominent sociologist promoting the concept of risk and risk research in contemporary sociology and social theory, research shows that the reporting of chemical risks has a tendency to directly occur around events - i n particular , unforeseen disasters with a strong human interest emphasis. In disparity with natural threats that dominated pre-industrial society, modern ‘manufactured risks’ have volatile repercussions that filter far beyond a particular geological location, or a certain point in time and consequently risks can be altered, magnified and embellished to that extent they are open to social definition and construction (Eriksson, 2010). Studies based upon this dissemination model of science frequently also conclude that partial or inaccurate news reporting is often a result of insufficient or inadequate information (Eriksson, 2010).

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Standard reporting of science/technology is usually facilitated though the opinion of an 'expert' and several studies have observed that official sources (such heads of government agencies, or scientists connected to reliable institutions) tend to obtain privileged access to the news media ( Manning, 2001). However , in the case of ”unplanned" news such as a national crisis, the spontaneity of the incident may open up the prospective for conventional frames to be contested by "alternative voices," especially where official sources choose to remain silent, or their response is delayed, however there is no guarantee that a news sources' claims is credible or legitimate (Anderson, 2002).

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In relation to examples such as this broadcast, panic brought upon by unjustified information could secondarily instigate the harm to many citizens, both by inducing them to take ill-advised actions, as well by intimidating those who might have otherwise attempted to help those directly affected by the natural disasters. Undeniably, the nuclear crisis which originally was one of the many destructive consequences of the earthquake and its long - term repercussions for the Japanese are certainly worth having concern over. However, the casualties that ensued from the problem are so dwarfed by the death toll and economic damage caused by the natural disasters and still, at the hands of the media, it threatened to become the entire issue. Consequently, by redirecting people from the real emergency at hand, the radiation scare could have killed thousands more.

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Whilst the majority of factual risk reporting in the media seems balanced and accurate, the instances of misinformed or sensationalized reporting obtain, by their very nature, a disproportionate volume of interest. According to Eriksson, the main concern is that scientists and journalists , while each remaining accountable to their own professional standards, may become complicit in a structure in which miscommunication helps each reach certain ends. The system is characterized by the lack of clear responsibility and management to prevent miscommunication. These issues also have an effect on media communication and interpretation between nations throughout times of a crisis.

Ethnocentrism vs. Respect for universal values and diversity of culture : 

Ethnocentrism vs. Respect for universal values and diversity of culture

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"As the crisis continues to unfold at the Fukushima No.1 nuclear power plant, a growing disparity between Japanese and U.S attitudes toward the problem is becoming apparent.” “Whereas Japanese authorities have generally been restrained in their pronouncements about the risks, American officials are becoming increasingly vocal” (Maugh,2011).

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According to Pharr, Japanese and American reporting in the media on one another in terms of domestic events comprises significant variances, including the long-established imbalance in the amount of coverage on each other, as well as completely different cultural and linguistic backgrounds (Pharr, 1996) . Pharr also states that differences in media systems and their effects on coverage of U.S-Japanese relations provoke thought on how the mass media contribute to U.S-Japanese friction. Such differences do lead to characteristic strengths and weaknesses in the type of information the citizens in the two countries receive about each other (Pharr, 1996). The Japanese government’s reaction to the country’s earthquake , tsunami, and subsequent nuclear crisis exhibited unique Japanese cultural traits. Pharr states that the theories of gaman (withstanding deprivation and making sacrifices), ganbare (doing your best, no matter how tough a situation is) , and shoganai (it can’t be avoided) are widespread themes in Japanese language and social customs, which joined generate a feeling of willpower (Pharr, 1996). However, this may also be interpreted in the West as fatalism.

Slide 36: 

An example of ethnocentric coverage: No escape valve for so much grief, The Star. “ There is something profoundly wrong with a culture when grief can be unloosed only in a stranger’s embrace .” “This is a country that needs desperately to cry, to let go, surrender the stoicism and suffocating self-discipline of emotional austerity , console one another for pity’s sake .” “The world has watched over the past week, awed by the fortitude of the Japanese character in the face of a spiralling crisis… b ut there is considerable psychic drawback to a stiff spine, the unwillingness or sheer inability to bend , as if dropping the impervious façade would be a sign of weakness, a loss of face, a vulnerability they can’t afford to show .” “ Repression rather than forbearance would more accurately describe this societal trait , a bottling of feeling — sorrow, anger, fear — all the sloppy mess of human emotions that stay hidden beneath a veneer of courtesy and impassivity .” “I want to cry for this poor woman and all the others like her, conforming to a cultural ethos that would deny even the small mercy of emotional decompression , an escape valve for their grief .”

Slide 37: 

A r eview of the article in regards to ethnocentrism: disrespectful to tsunami victims; misinterpretation of events from a sensationalised perspective; interpretation of events that fit unjustified preconceived notions of Japan; l ack of objective information; overtones of cultural imperialism.

Slide 38: 

Whilst the Japanese government’s communication in response to the nuclear concern may have stemmed from a desire to not trigger unnecessary domestic panic, the Western media inferred these actions to the contrary. And because the response that Japanese citizens expect is markedly different from what non-Japanese expect, this very often creates a huge disconnect. These behaviors are not widely recognized or understood by those unfamiliar with Japanese culture; and, I would say greatly impacted the international media coverage and general sense of ineffectiveness following the earthquake . The coverage is rooted in long-standing prejudices held by some Westerners against the non-West: for instance, a superiority complex that feels only the West and its media have real access to the truth, which led to a downplaying of Japanese media reports. In the worst cases, there has been simple racism, as some reporters when viewing how calm the Japanese are, seem to think the Japanese are mere robots who cannot grasp the immensity of the crisis or, as one colleague reports when a Spanish reporter interviewed her, think that the Japanese are genetically tuned to accept disaster .

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Possible Resolutions

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Sensationalism can lead to a skeptical public, one that no longer trusts the accuracy and intentions of the media. It has been argued that the the public-interest function of the media must be remembered and reasserted. As stated in a code of ethics written in 1923, “The right of a newspaper to attract and hold readers is restricted by nothing but considerations of public welfare” (Andersen, 2008). However, a more modern ethics code rearticulates the need for journalists to be honest and moral. They are instructed not to oversimplify or to report facts and information out of context. The media and the public struggle to find a shared set of values and practices able to fulfill the information needs of a democratic, self- governing society (Andersen, 2008). Any debate regarding media and conflict ultimately leads to the aims and accountabilities of journalists. A Western audience expects objectivity of media reports and for journalists to make valued judgments in deciding what the new is. However the concept of objectivity itself has often been the focus of debate (Wright, 1996). As Carruthers states, “news can never be 'value-free,' from 'nobody's point of view' ” (Gray, 2008).

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In reply to the ethical issues of sensationalist media, some journalists have started showing support for alternative styles such as peace journalism and civic journalism . Peace journalism encourages the belief that journalists should use the influence of the media to help resolve conflict rather than report it from a distance (Gray, 2008). Civic journalism states that journalism has a duty to serve the public and this is a responsibility that extends beyond merely presenting the news or unloading lots of facts. The way journalism is managed and regulated can greatly affects the way of public life (Gray, 2008). The other end of the sensationalist media continuum can possibly be labeled ‘responsible journalism.’ The duties in this type of media environment highlight the requirement for journalists to keep emotional distance when covering and reporting crises and risks (Andersen, 2008).

Slide 42: 

More reliable news media place a high value on informing and educating at the expense of entertaining. This brand of journalism is more complex, more ethical, less emotional, and less ethnocentric.

References: 

References Alia, V. (2004) Media ethics and social change . Routledge : Canada . Andersen, R., Gray, J. (2008 ) Battleground: The Media, Volume 1. Greenwood Publishing Group: Westport. Dimanno , R. (20/03/2011 ) No escape valve for so much grief . http ://www.thestar.com/news/world/article/957069--dimanno-no-escape-valve-for-so-much-grief > The Star Online. Eriksson , J. (2010) Regulating Chemical Risks and Global Challenges . Springer science+business media: New York . Glassner, B. (1999 ) The culture of fear . Basic Books: New York. Kieran, M. (1998) Media ethics . Routledge : London . Kyodo News. (08/04/11) Be objective, not sensationalist, foreign media told . http ://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/nn20110408a8.html The Japans Time Online Maugh, T. (16/03/11) U.S officials express strong concerns about Japan nuclear crisis. http ://articles.latimes.com/2011/mar/16/science/la-sci-japan-reactor-us-reax-20110316 Los Angeles Times Pharr, S., Krauss, E. (1996) Media Politics in Japan . University of Hawaii Press: USA. Plaisance, P. (2008) ‪ Media ethics: key principles for responsible practice .‬ Sage publications: London. Taylor, M., Saarinen , E. (1994 ) Imagologies : media philosophy‬ . Routledge : NY ‪ ‪ ‪