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No god but God

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No god but God REZA ASLAN a Random House The Origins Evolution and Future of Islam New York

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For my mother Soheyla and my father Hassan Copyright © 2005 by Reza Aslan All rights reserved. Published in the United States by Random House an imprint of The Random House Publishing Group a division of Random House Inc. New Y ork. RANDOM HOUSE and colophon are registered trademarks of Random House Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Aslan Reza. No god but God : the origins evolution and future of Islam / Reza Aslan. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. eISBN 1-58836-445-3 1. Islam. 2. Islam—Essence genius nature. 3. Islam—History. I. Title. BP161.3.A79 2005 297—dc22 2004054053 Random House website address: Book design by Meryl Sussman Levavi v1.0

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�� Acknowledgments Thank you Mom and Dad for never doubting me Catherine Bell for getting me started Frank Conroy for giving me a shot Elyse Cheney for finding me Daniel Menaker for trusting me Amanda For- tini for fixing me my teachers for challenging me and Ian Werrett for absolutely everything else.

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In the name of God the Compassionate the Merciful

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�� Contents Prologue: The Clash of Monotheisms xi Author’s Note xxi Chronology of Key Events xxiii 1. The Sanctuary in the Desert PRE - ISLAMIC ARABIA 3 2. The Keeper of the Keys MUHAMMAD IN MECCA 23 3. The City of the Prophet THE FIRS T MUSLIMS 50 4. Fight in the Way of God THE MEANIN G O F JIHAD 75 5. The Rightly Guided Ones THE SU CCESSORS T O MUHAMMAD 107 6. This Religion Is a Science THE DEVELOPMEN T O F ISLAMIC THEOLOG Y AND LA W 140 7. In the Footsteps of Martyrs FROM SHI ‘ ISM T O KHOMEINISM 171

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x Contents 8. Stain Your Prayer Rug with Wine THE SUFI W A Y 194 9. An Awakening in the East THE RESPONSE T O COLONIALISM 220 10. Slouching Toward Medina THE ISLAMIC REF ORMA TION 249 Glossary 267 Notes 273 Works Consulted 289 Index 295

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������ Prologue THE CLASH OF MON O THEISMS MIDNIGHT AND FIVE hours to Marrakech. I have always had trouble sleeping on trains. There is something about the unrelenting rhythm and hum of the wheels as they roll over the tracks that always keeps me awake. It is like a distant melody that’s too loud to ignore. Not even the darkness that inundates the compartments at night seems to help. It is worse at night when the stars are the only lights visible in the vast muted desert whizzing by my window. This is an unfortunate quirk because the best way to travel by train through Morocco is asleep. The trains are flooded with illegal faux guides who shift from cabin to cabin searching for tourists with whom to share their recommendations for the best restaurants the cheapest hotels the cleanest women. The faux guides in Morocco speak half a dozen languages which makes them difficult to ignore. Usually my olive skin thick brows and black hair keep them at bay.

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xii Prologue But the only way to avoid them completely is to be asleep so that they have no choice but to move on to the next beleaguered traveler. That is precisely what I thought was taking place in the compart- ment next to mine when I heard raised voices. It was an argument between what I assumed was a faux guide and a reluctant tourist. I could hear an inexorable cackle of Arabic spoken too quickly for me to understand interrupted by the occasional piqued responses of an American. I had witnessed this type of exchange before: in grands-taxis at the bazaar too often on the trains. In my few months in Morocco I’d become accustomed to the abrupt fury of the locals which can burst into a conversation like a clap of thunder then—as you brace for the storm—dissolve just as quickly into a grumble and a friendly pat on the back. The voices next door grew louder and now I thought I grasped the matter. It wasn’t a faux guide at all. Someone was being chastised. It was difficult to tell but I recognized the garbled Berber dialect the authorities sometimes use when they want to intimidate foreign- ers. The American kept saying “Wait a minute” then “Parlez-vous anglais Parlez-vous français” The Moroccan I could tell was demand- ing their passports. Curious I stood and stepped quietly over the knees of the snoring businessman slumped next to me. I slid open the door just enough to squeeze through and walked into the corridor. As my eyes adjusted to the light I glimpsed the familiar red-and-black conductor’s uniform flashing across the glass door of the adjoining compartment. I knocked lightly and entered without waiting for a response. “Salaam alay-kum” I said. Peace be with you. The conductor halted his diatribe and turned to me with the cus- tomary “Walay-kum salaam.” And to you peace. His face was flushed and his eyes red though not it seemed from anger. His uncombed hair and the heavy creases in his uniform indicated he had only just awakened. There was an indolent quality to his speech that made him difficult to understand. He was emboldened by my presence. “Dear sir” he said in clear and comprehensible Arabic “this is not a nightclub. There are children here. This is not a nightclub.” I had no idea what he meant.

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Prologue xiii The American gripped my shoulders and turned me toward him. “Will you please tell this man we were sleeping” He was young and remarkably tall with large green eyes and a shock of blond hair that hung down over his face and that he kept combing back with his fin- gers. “We were only sleeping” he repeated mouthing the words as though I were reading his lips. “Comprendez-vous” I turned back to the conductor and translated: “He says he was sleeping.” The conductor was livid and in his excitement dropped once more into an incomprehensible Berber dialect. He began gesticulat- ing wildly his movements meant to indicate his sincerity. I was to understand that he would not be in such a fit over a sleeping couple. He had children he kept saying. He was a father he was a Muslim. There was more but I stopped listening. My attention had fallen completely on the other person in the cabin. She was sitting directly behind the man purposely obscured by him: legs crossed casually hands folded on her lap. Her hair was disheveled and her cheeks radiated heat. She wasn’t looking directly at us but rather observing the scene through the bowed reflection we cast on the window. “Did you tell him we were sleeping” the American asked me. “I don’t think he believes you” I replied. Though taken aback by my English he was too shocked by the accusation to pursue it. “He doesn’t believe me Great. What’s he going to do stone us to death” “Malcolm” the woman cried out louder than it seemed she’d meant to. She reached up and pulled him down next to her. “Fine” Malcolm said with a sigh. “Just ask him how much he wants to go away.” He fumbled in his shirt pockets and took out a wad of tattered multicolored bills. Before he could fan them out I stepped in front of him and put my arms out to the conductor. “The American says he is sorry” I said. “He is very very sorry.” T aking the conductor’s arm I led him gently to the door but he would not accept the apology. He again demanded their passports. I pretended not to understand. It all seemed a bit histrionic to me. Per- haps he had caught the couple acting inappropriately but that would have warranted little more than a sharp rebuke. They were young

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xiv Prologue they were foreigners they did not understand the complexities of social decorum in the Muslim world. Surely the conductor under- stood that. And yet he seemed genuinely disturbed and personally offended by this seemingly inoffensive couple. Again he insisted he was a father and a Muslim and a virtuous man. I agreed and promised I would stay with the couple until we reached Marrakech. “May God increase your kindness” I said and slid open the door. The conductor touched his chest reluctantly and thanked me. Then just as he was about to step into the corridor he turned back into the compartment and pointed a trembling finger at the seated couple. “Christian” he spat in English his voice brimming with con- tempt. He slid the doors closed and we heard him make his way nois- ily down the corridor. For a moment no one spoke. I remained standing by the door gripping the luggage rack as the train tilted through a wide turn. “That was an odd thing to say” I said with a laugh. “I’m Jennifer” the girl said. “This is my husband Malcolm. Thanks for helping us. Things could have gotten out of hand.” “I don’t think so” I said. “I’m sure he’s already forgotten all about it.” “Well there was nothing to forget” Malcolm said. “Of course.” Suddenly Malcolm was furious. “The truth is that man has been hovering over us ever since we boarded this train.” “Malcolm” Jennifer whispered squeezing his hand. I tried to catch her eye but she would not look at me. Malcolm was shaking with anger. “Why would he do that” I asked. “You heard him” Malcolm said his voice rising. “Because we’re Christians.” I flinched. It was an involuntary reaction—a mere twitch of the eyebrows—but Jennifer caught it and said almost in apology “We’re missionaries. We’re on our way to the Western Sahara to preach the gospel.” All at once I understood why the conductor had been shadowing the couple why he was so rancorous and unforgiving about having caught them in a compromising position. For the first time since entering the compartment I noticed a small open cardboard box

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�� Prologue xv perched between two knapsacks on the luggage rack. The box was filled with green pocket-sized New T estaments in Arabic translation. There were three or four missing. “Would you like one” Jennifer asked. “We’re passing them out.” ALMOST IMMEDIATELY FOLLOWING the attacks on New York and Washington D.C. pundits politicians and preachers through- out the United States and Europe declared that September 11 2001 triggered a once-dormant “clash of civilizations” to use Samuel Huntington’s now ubiquitous term between the modern enlight- ened democratic societies of the West and the archaic barbarous autocratic societies of the Middle East. A few well-respected academ- ics carried this argument further by suggesting that the failure of democracy to emerge in the Muslim world was due in large part to Muslim culture which they claimed was intrinsically incompatible with Enlightenment values such as liberalism pluralism individual- ism and human rights. It was therefore simply a matter of time before these two great civilizations which have such conflicting ideologies clashed with each other in some catastrophic way. And what better example do we need of this inevitability than September 11 But just beneath the surface of this misguided and divisive rhetoric is a more subtle though far more detrimental sentiment: that this is not so much a cultural conflict as a religious one that we are not in the midst of a “clash of civilizations” but rather a “clash of monotheisms.” The clash-of-monotheisms mentality could be heard in the ser- mons of prominent and politically influential evangelists like the Rev- erend Franklin Graham—son of Billy Graham and spiritual adviser to the American president George W. Bush—who has publicly called Islam “an evil and wicked religion.” It could be read in the articles of the intemperate yet enormously popular conservative columnist Ann Coulter who after September 11 encouraged Western countries to “invade Muslim countries kill their leaders and convert them to Christianity.” It could be caught in the rhetoric behind the War on T errorism which has been described on both sides of the Atlantic in stark Christian terminology of good versus evil. And it could be found inside the prisons of Iraq and Afghanistan where Muslim prisoners of

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xvi Prologue war have been forced under threat of torture by their captors to eat pork drink liquor and curse the Prophet Muhammad. Of course there is no shortage of anti-Christian and anti-Jewish propaganda in Islam. In fact it sometimes seems that not even the most moderate preacher or politician in the Muslim world can resist advancing the occasional conspiracy theory regarding “the Crusaders and Jews” by which most Muslims simply mean them: that faceless colonialist Zionist imperialist “other” who is not us. So the clash of monotheisms is by no means a new phenomenon. Indeed from the earliest days of the Islamic expansion to the bloody wars and inquisi- tions of the Crusades to the tragic consequences of colonialism and the cycle of violence in Israel/Palestine the hostility mistrust and often violent intolerance that has marked relations among Jews Chris- tians and Muslims has been one of Western history’s most enduring themes. Since September 11 however as international conflicts have in- creasingly been framed in apocalyptic terms and political agendas on all sides couched in theological language it has become impossible to ignore the startling similarities between the antagonistic and unin- formed rhetoric that fueled the destructive religious wars of the past and that which drives the current conflicts of the Middle East. When the Reverend Jerry Vines past president of the Southern Baptist Con- vention calls the Prophet Muhammad “a demon-possessed pedophile” during his keynote address he sounds eerily like the medieval papal propagandists for whom Muhammad was the Antichrist and the Islamic expansion a sign of the Apocalypse. When the Republican senator from Oklahoma James Inhofe stands before the U.S. Congress and insists that the ongoing conflicts in the Middle East are not political or territorial battles but “a contest over whether or not the word of God is true” he speaks knowingly or not the language of the Crusades. One could argue that the clash of monotheisms is the inevitable result of monotheism itself. Whereas a religion of many gods posits many myths to describe the human condition a religion of one god tends to be monomythic it not only rejects all other gods it rejects all other explanations for God. If there is only one God then there may be only one truth and that can easily lead to bloody conflicts of irrec- oncilable absolutisms. Missionary activity while commendable for

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Prologue xvii providing health and education to the impoverished throughout the world is nonetheless predicated on the belief that there is but one path to God and that all other paths lead toward sin and damnation. Malcolm and Jennifer as I discovered on our way to Marrakech were part of a rapidly growing movement of Christian missionaries who since September 11 have begun to focus exclusively on the Mus- lim world. Because Christian evangelism is often bitterly reproached in Muslim countries—thanks in large part to the lingering memory of the colonial endeavor when Europe’s disastrous “civilizing mission” went hand in hand with a fervently anti-Islamic “Christianizing mis- sion”—some evangelical institutions now teach their missionaries to “go undercover” in the Muslim world by taking on Muslim identities wearing Muslim clothing including the veil even fasting and pray- ing as Muslims. At the same time the United States government has encouraged large numbers of Christian aid organizations to take an active role in rebuilding the infrastructures of Iraq and Afghanistan in the wake of the two wars giving ammunition to those who seek to portray the occupation of those countries as a second Crusade of Christians against Muslims. Add to this the perception held by many in the Muslim world that there is collusion between the United States and Israel against Muslim interests in general and Palestinian rights in particular and one can understand how Muslims’ resentment and sus- picion of the West has only increased and with disastrous conse- quences. Considering how effortlessly religious dogma has become in- tertwined with political ideology since September 11 how can we overcome the clash-of-monotheisms mentality that has so deeply entrenched itself in the modern world Clearly education and toler- ance are essential. But what is most desperately needed is not so much a better appreciation of our neighbor’s religion as a broader more complete understanding of religion itself. Religion it must be understood is not faith. Religion is the story of faith. It is an institutionalized system of symbols and metaphors read rituals and myths that provides a common language with which a community of faith can share with each other their numinous encounter with the Divine Presence. Religion is concerned not with genuine history but with sacred history which does not course

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�� xviii Prologue through time like a river. Rather sacred history is like a hallowed tree whose roots dig deep into primordial time and whose branches weave in and out of genuine history with little concern for the boundaries of space and time. Indeed it is precisely at those moments when sacred and genuine history collide that religions are born. The clash of monotheisms occurs when faith which is mysterious and ineffable and which eschews all categorizations becomes entangled in the gnarled branches of religion. THIS THEN IS the story of Islam. It is a story anchored in the memories of the first generation of Muslims and catalogued by the Prophet Muhammad’s earliest biographers Ibn Ishaq d. 768 Ibn Hisham d. 833 and al-T abari d. 922. At the heart of the story is the Glorious Quran—the divine revelations Muhammad received during a span of some twenty-six years in Mecca and Medina. While the Quran for reasons that will become clear tells us very little about Muhammad’s life indeed Muhammad is rarely mentioned in it it is invaluable in revealing the ideology of the Muslim faith in its infancy: that is before the faith became a religion before the religion became an institution. Still we must never forget that as indispensable and historically valuable as the Quran and the traditions of the Prophet may be they are nevertheless grounded in mytholog y. It is a shame that this word myth which originally signified nothing more than stories of the supernatural has come to be regarded as synonymous with falsehood when in fact myths are always true. By their very nature myths inhere both legitimacy and credibility. Whatever truths they convey have lit- tle to do with historical fact. T o ask whether Moses actually parted the Red Sea or whether Jesus truly raised Lazarus from the dead or whether the word of God indeed poured through the lips of Muham- mad is to ask totally irrelevant questions. The only question that mat- ters with regard to a religion and its mythology is “What do these stories mean” The fact is that no evangelist in any of the world’s great religions would have been at all concerned with recording his or her objective observations of historical events. They would not have been recording

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Prologue xix observations at all Rather they were interpreting those events in order to give structure and meaning to the myths and rituals of their com- munity providing future generations with a common identity a com- mon aspiration a common story. After all religion is by definition interpretation and by definition all interpretations are valid. How- ever some interpretations are more reasonable than others. And as the Jewish philosopher and mystic Moses Maimonides noted so many years ago it is reason not imagination which determines what is probable and what is not. The way scholars form a reasonable interpretation of a particular religious tradition is by merging that religion’s myths with what can be known about the spiritual and political landscape in which those myths arose. By relying on the Quran and the traditions of the Prophet along with our understanding of the cultural milieu in which Muhammad was born and in which his message was formed we can more reason- ably reconstruct the origins and evolution of Islam. This is no easy task though it is made somewhat easier by the fact that Muhammad appears to have lived “in the full view of history” to quote Ernest Renan and died an enormously successful prophet something for which his Christian and Jewish detractors have never forgiven him. Once a reasonable interpretation of the rise of Islam in sixth- and seventh-century Arabia has been formed it is possible to trace how Muhammad’s revolutionary message of moral accountability and social egalitarianism was gradually reinterpreted by his successors into competing ideologies of rigid legalism and uncompromising ortho- doxy which fractured the Muslim community and widened the gap between mainstream or Sunni Islam and its two major sectarian movements Shi‘ism and Sufism. Although sharing a common sacred history each group strove to develop its own interpretation of scrip- ture its own ideas on theology and the law and its own community of faith. And each had different responses to the experience of colonial- ism in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Indeed that experi- ence forced the entire Muslim community to reconsider the role of faith in modern society. While some Muslims pushed for the crea- tion of an indigenous Islamic Enlightenment by eagerly developing Islamic alternatives to Western secular notions of democracy others advocated separation from Western cultural ideals in favor of the

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xx Prologue complete “Islamization” of society. With the end of colonialism and the birth of the Islamic state in the twentieth century these two groups have refined their arguments against the backdrop of the ongoing debate in the Muslim world over the prospect of forming a genuine Islamic democracy. But as we shall see at the center of the debate over Islam and democracy is a far more significant internal struggle over who gets to define the Islamic Reformation that is already under way in most of the Muslim world. The reformation of Christianity was a terrifying process but it was not as it has so often been presented a collision between Protes- tant reform and Catholic intransigence. Rather the Christian Refor- mation was an argument over the future of the faith—a violent bloody argument that engulfed Europe in devastation and war for more than a century. Thus far the Islamic Reformation has proved no different. For most of the Western world September 11 2001 signaled the com- mencement of a worldwide struggle between Islam and the West—the ultimate manifestation of the clash of civilizations. From the Islamic perspective however the attacks on New York and Washington were part of an ongoing clash between those Muslims who strive to recon- cile their religious values with the realities of the modern world and those who react to modernism and reform by reverting—sometimes fanatically—to the “fundamentals” of their faith. This book is not just a critical reexamination of the origins and evolution of Islam nor is it merely an account of the current struggle among Muslims to define the future of this magnificent yet misunder- stood faith. This book is above all else an argument for reform. There are those who will call it apostasy but that is not troubling. No one speaks for God—not even the prophets who speak about God. There are those who will call it apology but that is hardly a bad thing. An apology is a defense and there is no higher calling than to defend one’s faith especially from ignorance and hate and thus to help shape the story of that faith a story which in this case began fifteen cen- turies ago at the end of the sixth century C.E. in the sacred city of Mecca the land that gave birth to Muhammad ibn Abdallah ibn Abd al-Muttalib: the Prophet and Messenger of God. May peace and blessings be upon him.

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�� Author’s Note While there is a widely recognized system for the transliteration of Arabic into English along with specific diacritical markings to indi- cate long and short vowels I have endeavored for the sake of clarity and ease to present all Arabic words in their simplest and most recog- nizable English rendering. The Arabic letter hamza which is rarely vocalized will occasionally be marked with an apostrophe. The letter ain—best pronounced as a glottal stop—will be marked with a reverse apostrophe as in the word bay‘ah meaning “oath.” Further rather than pluralizing Arabic nouns according to their proper grammatical rules I will simply add an s: thus Kahins instead of Kuhhan. Unless otherwise indicated all translations of the Quran are my own.

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�� Chronology o f Key Events 570Birth of the Prophet Muhammad 610Muhammad receives first Revelation at Mt. Hira 622Muslim emigration Hijra to Yathrib later called Medina 624Battle of Badr against Mecca and the Quraysh 625Battle of Uhud 627Battle of the Trench 628Treaty of Hudaybiyyah between Medina and Mecca 630Muhammad’s victory over the Quraysh and the Muslim occupation of Mecca 632Muhammad dies 632–634Caliphate of Abu Bakr 634–644Caliphate of Umar ibn al-Khattab 644–656Caliphate of Uthman ibn Affan 656–661Caliphate of Ali ibn Abi Talib considered the first Imam of Shi‘ism 680Husayn ibn Ali grandson of the Prophet killed at Karbala 661–750The Umayyad Dynasty

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xxiv Chronology of Key Events 750–850The Abassid Dynasty 756Last Umayyad prince Abd al-Rahman establishes rival Caliphate in Spain 874The occultation of the Twelfth Imam or the Mahdi 934–1062Buyid Dynasty rules western Iran Iraq and Mesopotamia 969–1171Fatimid Dynasty rules North Africa Egypt and Syria 977–1186Ghaznavid Dynasty rules Khurasan Afghanistan and northern India 1095Christian Crusades launched by Pope Urban II 1250–1517Mamluk Dynasty rules Egypt and Syria 1281–1924The Ottoman Empire 1501–1725Safavid Dynasty rules Iran 1520–1857Mughal Dynasty rules India 1857The Indian Revolt 1924Creation of secular Turkish republic and the end of the Ottoman Caliphate 1925Beginning of Pahlavi Dynasty in Iran 1928The Society of Muslim Brothers founded by Hasan al-Banna in Egypt 1932Kingdom of Saudi Arabia established 1947Pakistan founded as first Islamic state 1948State of Israel established 1952Free Officers revolt in Egypt led by Gamal Abd al-Nasser 1979The Iranian Revolution 1990–91The Persian Gulf War al-Qaeda formed 2001Al-Qaeda attack on New York and Washington

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No god but God

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������ 1. The Sanctuary in the Desert PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA Arabia. The Sixth Century C.E. IN THE ARID desolate basin of Mecca surrounded on all sides by the bare mountains of the Arabian desert stands a small nondescript sanctuary that the ancient Arabs refer to as the Ka‘ba: the Cube. The Ka‘ba is a squat roofless edifice made of unmortared stones and sunk into a valley of sand. Its four walls—so low it is said a young goat can leap over them—are swathed in strips of heavy cloth. At its base two small doors are chiseled into the gray stone allowing entry into the inner sanctum. It is here inside the cramped interior of the sanctuary that the gods of pre-Islamic Arabia reside: Hubal the Syrian god of the moon al-Uzza the powerful goddess the Egyptians knew as Isis and the Greeks called Aphrodite al-Kutba the Nabataean god of writing and divination Jesus the incarnate god of the Christians and his holy mother Mary.

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4 No god but God In all there are said to be three hundred sixty idols housed in and around the Ka‘ba representing every god recognized in the Arabian Peninsula. During the holy months when the desert fairs and the great markets envelop the city of Mecca pilgrims from all over the Peninsula make their way to this barren land to visit their tribal deities. They sing songs of worship and dance in front of the gods they make sacrifices and pray for health. Then in a remarkable rit- ual—the origins of which are a mystery—the pilgrims gather as a group and rotate around the Ka‘ba seven times some pausing to kiss each corner of the sanctuary before being captured and swept away again by the current of bodies. The pagan Arabs gathered around the Ka‘ba believe their sanctu- ary to have been founded by Adam the first man. They believe that Adam’s original edifice was destroyed by the Great Flood then rebuilt by Noah. They believe that after Noah the Ka‘ba was forgotten for centuries until Abraham rediscovered it while visiting his firstborn son Ismail and his concubine Hagar both of whom had been ban- ished to this wilderness at the behest of Abraham’s wife Sarah. And they believe it was at this very spot that Abraham nearly sacrificed Ismail before being stopped by the promise that like his younger brother Isaac Ismail would also sire a great nation the descendants of whom now spin over the sandy Meccan valley like a desert whirlwind. Of course these are just stories intended to convey what the Ka‘ba means not where it came from. The truth is that no one knows who built the Ka‘ba or how long it has been here. It is likely that the sanctuary was not even the original reason for the sanctity of this place. Near the Ka‘ba is a well called Zamzam fed by a bountiful underground spring which tradition claims had been placed there to nourish Hagar and Ismail. It requires no stretch of the imagination to recognize how a spring situated in the middle of the desert could become a sacred place for the wandering Bedouin tribes of Arabia. The Ka‘ba itself may have been erected many years later not as some sort of Arab pantheon but as a secure place to store the consecrated objects used in the rituals that had evolved around Zamzam. Indeed the earliest traditions concerning the Ka‘ba claim that inside its walls was a pit dug into the sand which contained “treasures” magically guarded by a snake.

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�� The Sanctuary in the Desert 5 It is also possible that the original sanctuary held some cosmolog- ical significance for the ancient Arabs. Not only were many of the idols in the Ka‘ba associated with the planets and stars but the legend that they totaled three hundred sixty in number suggests astral conno- tations. The seven circumambulations of the Ka‘ba—called tawaf in Arabic and still the primary ritual of the annual Hajj pilgrimage—may have been intended to mimic the motion of the heavenly bodies. It was after all a common belief among ancient peoples that their temples and sanctuaries were terrestrial replicas of the cosmic moun- tain from which creation sprang. The Ka‘ba like the Pyramids in Egypt or the T emple in Jerusalem may have been constructed as an axis mundi sometimes called a “navel spot”: a sacred space around which the universe revolves the link between the earth and the solid dome of heaven. That would explain why there was once a nail driven into the floor of the Ka‘ba that the ancient Arabs referred to as “the navel of the world.” As G. R. Hawting has shown the ancient pilgrims would sometimes enter the sanctuary tear off their clothes and place their own navels over the nail thereby merging with the cosmos. Alas as with so many things about the Ka‘ba its origins are mere speculation. The only thing scholars can say with any certainty is that by the sixth century C.E. this small sanctuary made of mud and stone had become the center of religious life in pre-Islamic Arabia: that intriguing yet ill-defined era of paganism that Muslims refer to as the Jahiliyyah—“the Time of Ignorance.” TRADITIONALLY THE JAHILIYYAH has been defined by Mus- lims as an era of moral depravity and religious discord: a time when the sons of Ismail had obscured belief in the one true God and plunged the Arabian Peninsula into the darkness of idolatry. But then like the rising of the dawn the Prophet Muhammad emerged in Mecca at the beginning of the seventh century preaching a message of absolute monotheism and uncompromising morality. Through the miraculous revelations he received from God Muhammad put an end to the paganism of the Arabs and replaced the “Time of Ignorance” with the universal religion of Islam.

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6 No god but God In actuality the religious experience of the pre-Islamic Arabs was far more complex than this tradition suggests. It is true that before the rise of Islam the Arabian Peninsula was dominated by paganism. But like “Hinduism” “paganism” is a meaningless and somewhat deroga- tory catchall term created by those outside the tradition to categorize what is in reality an almost unlimited variety of beliefs and practices. The word paganus means “a rustic villager” or “a boor” and was origi- nally used by Christians as a term of abuse to describe those who fol- lowed any religion but theirs. In some ways this is an appropriate designation. Unlike Christianity paganism is not so much a unified system of beliefs and practices as it is a religious perspective one that is receptive to a multitude of influences and interpretations. Often though not always polytheistic paganism strives for neither univer- salism nor moral absolutism. There is no such thing as a pagan creed or a pagan canon. Nothing exists that could properly be termed “pagan orthodoxy” or “pagan heterodoxy.” What is more when referring to the paganism of the pre-Islamic Arabs it is important to make a distinction between the nomadic Bedouin religious experience and the experience of those sedentary tribes that had settled in major population centers like Mecca. Bedouin paganism in sixth-century Arabia may have encompassed a range of beliefs and practices—from fetishism to totemism to manism ancestor cults—but it was not as concerned with the more meta- physical questions that were cultivated in the larger sedentary soci- eties of Arabia particularly with regard to issues like the afterlife. This is not to say that the Bedouin practiced nothing more than a primitive idolatry. On the contrary there is every reason to believe that the Bedouin of pre-Islamic Arabia enjoyed a rich and diverse religious tra- dition. However the nomadic lifestyle is one that requires a religion to address immediate concerns: Which god can lead us to water Which god can heal our illnesses In contrast paganism among the sedentary societies of Arabia had developed from its earlier and simpler manifestations into a complex form of neo-animism providing a host of divine and semi-divine intermediaries who stood between the creator god and his creation. This creator god was called Allah which is not a proper name but a contraction of the word al-ilah meaning simply “the god.” Like his

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The Sanctuary in the Desert 7 Greek counterpart Zeus Allah was originally an ancient rain/sky deity who had been elevated into the role of the supreme god of the pre-Islamic Arabs. Though a powerful deity to swear by Allah’s emi- nent status in the Arab pantheon rendered him like most High Gods beyond the supplications of ordinary people. Only in times of great peril would anyone bother consulting him. Otherwise it was far more expedient to turn to the lesser more accessible gods who acted as Allah’ s intercessors the most powerful of whom were his three daugh- ters Allat “the goddess” al-Uzza “the mighty” and Manat the goddess of fate whose name is probably derived from the Hebrew word mana meaning “portion” or “share”. These divine mediators were not only represented in the Ka‘ba they had their own individual shrines throughout the Arabian Peninsula: Allat in the city of Ta’if al-Uzza in Nakhlah and Manat in Qudayd. It was to them that the Arabs prayed when they needed rain when their children were ill when they entered into battle or embarked on a journey deep into the treacherous desert abodes of the Jinn—those intelligent imperceptible and salvable beings made of smokeless flame who are called “genies” in the West and who function as the nymphs and fairies of Arabian mythology. There were no priests and no pagan scriptures in pre-Islamic Arabia but that does not mean the gods remained silent. They regu- larly revealed themselves through the ecstatic utterances of a group of cultic officials known as the Kahins. The Kahins were poets who functioned primarily as soothsayers and who for a fee would fall into a trance in which they would reveal divine messages through rhyming couplets. Poets already had an important role in pre-Islamic society as bards tribal historians social commentators dispensers of moral philosophy and on occasion administrators of justice. But the Kahins represented a more spiritual function of the poet. Emerging from every social and economic stratum and including a number of women the Kahins interpreted dreams cleared up crimes found lost animals settled disputes and expounded upon ethics. As with their Pythian counterparts at Delphi however the Kahins’ oracles were vague and deliberately imprecise it was the supplicant’s responsibil- ity to figure out what the gods actually meant. Although considered the link between humanity and the divine

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8 No god but God the Kahins did not communicate directly with the gods but rather accessed them through the Jinn and other spirits who were such an integral part of the Jahiliyyah religious experience. Even so neither the Kahins nor anyone else for that matter had access to Allah. In fact the god who had created the heavens and the earth who had fashioned human beings in his own image was the only god not rep- resented by an idol in the Ka‘ba. Although called “the King of the Gods” and “the Lord of the House” Allah was not the central deity in the Ka‘ba. That honor belonged to Hubal the Syrian god who had been brought to Mecca centuries before the rise of Islam. Despite Allah’s minimal role in the religious cult of pre-Islamic Arabia his eminent position in the Arab pantheon is a clear indication of just how far paganism in the Arabian Peninsula had evolved from its simple animistic roots. Perhaps the most striking example of this development can be seen in the processional chant that tradition claims the pilgrims sang as they approached the Ka‘ba: Here I am O Allah here I am. Y ou have no partner Except such a partner as you have. Y ou possess him and all that is his. This remarkable proclamation with its obvious resemblance to the Muslim profession of faith—“There is no god but God”—may reveal the earliest traces in pre-Islamic Arabia of what the German philologist Max Müller termed henotheism: the belief in a single High God without necessarily rejecting the existence of other subordinate gods. The earliest evidence of henotheism in Arabia can be traced back to a tribe called the Amir who lived near modern-day Yemen in the second century B.C.E. and who worshipped a High God they called dhu-Samawi “The Lord of the Heavens.” While the details of the Amirs’ religion have been lost to history most scholars are con- vinced that by the sixth century C.E. henotheism had become the standard belief of the vast majority of sedentary Arabs who not only accepted Allah as their High God but insisted that he was the same god as Yahweh the god of the Jews.

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The Sanctuary in the Desert 9 The Jewish presence in the Arabian Peninsula can in theory be traced to the Babylonian Exile a thousand years earlier though subse- quent migrations may have taken place in 70 C.E. after Rome’s sack- ing of the Temple in Jerusalem and again in 132 C.E. after the messianic uprising of Simon Bar Kochba. For the most part the Jews were a thriving and highly influential diaspora whose culture and tra- ditions had been thoroughly integrated into the social and religious milieu of pre-Islamic Arabia. Whether Arab converts or immigrants from Palestine the Jews participated in every level of Arab society. According to Gordon Newby throughout the Peninsula there were Jewish merchants Jewish Bedouin Jewish farmers Jewish poets and Jewish warriors. Jewish men took Arab names and Jewish women wore Arab headdresses. And while some of these Jews may have spo- ken Aramaic or at least a corrupted version of it their primary lan- guage was Arabic. Although in contact with major Jewish centers throughout the Near East Judaism in Arabia had developed its own variations on tra- ditional Jewish beliefs and practices. The Jews shared many of the same religious ideals as their pagan Arab counterparts especially with regard to what is sometimes referred to as “popular religion”: belief in magic the use of talismans and divination and the like. For example while there is evidence of a small yet formal rabbinical presence in some regions of the Arabian Peninsula there also existed a group of Jewish soothsayers called the Kohens who while maintaining a far more priestly function in their communities nevertheless resembled the pagan Kahins in that they too dealt in divinely inspired oracles. The relationship between the Jews and pagan Arabs was symbi- otic in that not only were the Jews heavily Arabized but the Arabs were also significantly influenced by Jewish beliefs and practices. One need look no further for evidence of this influence than to the Ka‘ba itself whose origin myths indicate that it was a Semitic sanctuary haram in Arabic with its roots dug deeply in Jewish tradition. Adam Noah Abraham Moses and Aaron were all in one way or another associated with the Ka‘ba long before the rise of Islam and the myste- rious Black Stone that to this day is fixed to the southeast corner of the sanctuary seems to have been originally associated with the same

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10 No god but God stone upon which Jacob rested his head during his famous dream of the ladder. The pagan Arab connection to Judaism makes perfect sense when one recalls that like the Jews the Arabs considered themselves descendants of Abraham whom they credited not only with rediscov- ering the Ka‘ba but also with creating the pilgrimage rites that took place there. So revered was Abraham in Arabia that he was given his own idol inside the Ka‘ba where he was depicted in traditional pagan fashion as a shaman casting divining rods. That Abraham was neither a god nor a pagan was as inconsequential to the Arabs as the associa- tion of their god Allah with the Jewish god Yahweh. In sixth-century Arabia Jewish monotheism was in no way anathema to Arab paganism which as mentioned could easily absorb a cornucopia of disparate religious ideologies. The pagan Arabs would likely have perceived Judaism as just another way of expressing what they considered to be similar religious sentiments. The same could be said with regard to Arab perceptions of Chris- tianity which like Judaism had an influential presence in the Arabian Peninsula. The Arab tribes were surrounded by Christians: from the Syrians in the northwest to the Mesopotamian Christians in the northeast to the Abyssinians in the south. In fact by the sixth century C.E. Yemen had become the seat of Christian aspirations in Arabia the city of Najran was widely considered to be the hub of Arab Chris- tianity while in Sana‘ a massive church had been constructed that for a time vied with Mecca as the primary pilgrimage site in the region. As a proselytizing faith however Christianity was not content to remain at the borders of the Arab lands. Thanks to a concerted effort to spread the gospel throughout the Peninsula a number of Arab tribes had converted en masse to Christianity. The largest of these tribes was the Ghassanids who straddled the border between the Roman and Arab worlds acting as a buffer between the Christian Byzantine Kingdom and the “uncivilized” Bedouin. The Ghassanids actively supported missionary efforts in Arabia while at the same time the Byzantine emperors sent their bishops deep into the deserts to bring the rest of the pagan Arabs into their fold. And yet the Ghas- sanids and the Byzantines were preaching two very different Chris- tianities.

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The Sanctuary in the Desert 11 Ever since the Nicene Council in 325 C.E.—which declared Jesus to be both fully God and fully man—and the Council at Chalcedon in 451 C.E.—which entrenched the doctrine of the T rinity into Christian theology—Roman Orthodoxy had transformed a large portion of the Christian Near East into heretics. Because the concept of the T rinity is not explicitly mentioned in the New Testament the term was coined by one of the oldest and most formidable church fathers T er- tullian of Carthage early in the third century C.E. it was neither widely adopted nor universally construed by the early Christian com- munities. Montanist Christians like T ertullian believed that Jesus pos- sessed the same divine quality as God but not in the same quantity as God. Modalist Christians conceived of the Trinity as representing God in three successive modes of being: first as the Father then as the Son and finally and forevermore as the Holy Spirit. Nestorian Chris- tians argued that Jesus had two completely distinct natures—one human the other divine—while Gnostic Christians especially those called Docetists claimed that Jesus only appeared to be human but was in fact fully God. And of course there were those like the Arians who rejected the T rinity altogether. After Christianity became the imperial religion of Rome all of these variations on Jesus’ identity were replaced by the single ortho- dox position most clearly presented by Augustine of Hippo d. 430 that the Son was “of the same substance or being” as the Father—one God in three personae. All at once the Montanists the Modalists the Nestorians the Gnostics and the Arians were declared heretics and their doctrines suppressed. The Ghassanids like so many Christians who lived beyond the ever-tightening grip of Constantinople were Monophysites meaning they rejected the Nicene doctrine confirming Jesus’ dual nature. Instead the Monophysites believed that Jesus had only one nature simultaneously human and divine though depending on the school of thought they tended to emphasize one over the other. In general the Antiochians stressed Jesus’ humanity while the Alexandrians stressed his divinity. So while the Ghassanids may have been Christians and while they may have acted as clients of the Byzantine Empire they did not share the theology of their masters. Once again one need only look inside the Ka‘ba to recognize

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12 No god but God which version of Christianity was taking hold in Arabia. According to the traditions the image of Jesus residing in the sanctuary had been placed there by a Coptic i.e. Alexandrian Monophysite Christian named Baqura. If true then Jesus’ presence in the Ka‘ba may be con- sidered an affirmation of the Monophysite belief in the Christ as a fully divine god-man—a Christology that would have been perfectly acceptable to the pagan Arabs. Christianity’s presence in the Arabian Peninsula—in both its orthodox and heterodox incarnations—must have had a significant effect on the pagan Arabs. It has often been noted that the biblical sto- ries recounted in the Quran especially those dealing with Jesus imply a familiarity with the traditions and narratives of the Christian faith. There are striking similarities between the Christian and Quranic descriptions of the Apocalypse the Last Judgment and the paradise awaiting those who have been saved. These similarities do not contra- dict the Muslim belief that the Quran was divinely revealed but they do indicate that the Quranic vision of the Last Days may have been revealed to the pagan Arabs through a set of symbols and metaphors with which they were already familiar thanks in some part to the wide spread of Christianity in the region. While the Ghassanids protected the borders of the Byzantine Empire another Arab tribe the Lakhmids provided the same service for the other great kingdom of the time the Sasanians. As the imperial inheritors of the ancient Iranian kingdom of Cyrus the Great which had dominated Central Asia for nearly a millennium the Sasanians were Zoroastrians: followers of the seminal faith initiated by the Ira- nian prophet Zarathustra nearly fifteen hundred years earlier whose cosmogony cosmology and eschatology had a formidable influence on the development of the other religions in the region especially Judaism and Christianity. More than a thousand years before Christ Zarathustra preached the existence of a heaven and a hell the idea of a bodily resurrection the promise of a universal savior who would one day be miraculously born to a young maiden and the expectation of a final cosmic battle that would take place at the end of time between the angelic forces of good and the demonic forces of evil. At the center of Zarathustra’s theology was a unique monotheistic system based on the sole god

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The Sanctuary in the Desert 13 Ahura Mazda “the Wise Lord” who fashioned the heavens and earth the night and the day the light and the darkness. Like most ancients however Zarathustra could not easily conceive of his god as being the source of both good and evil. He therefore developed an ethical dualism in which two opposing spirits Spenta Mainyu “the beneficent spirit” and Angra Mainyu “the hostile spirit” were responsible for good and evil respectively. Although called the “twin children” of Mazda these two spirits were not gods but only the spir- itual embodiment of T ruth and Falsehood. By the time of the Sasanians Zarathustra’s primitive monotheism had transformed into a firmly dualistic system in which the two pri- mordial spirits became two deities locked in an eternal battle for the souls of humanity: Ohrmazd Ahura Mazda the God of Light and Ahriman the God of Darkness and the archetype of the Christian concept of Satan. Although a non-proselytizing and notoriously diffi- cult religion to convert to—considering its rigid hierarchical social structure and its almost fanatical obsession with ritual purity—the Sasanian military presence in the Arabian Peninsula had nonetheless resulted in a few tribal conversions to Zoroastrianism particularly to its more amenable sects Mazdakism and Manichaeism. The picture that emerges from this brief outline of the pre-Islamic Arabian religious experience is that of an era in which Zoroastrianism Christianity and Judaism intermingled in one of the last remaining regions in the Near East still dominated by paganism albeit a firmly henotheistic paganism. The relative distance that these three major religions enjoyed from their respective centers gave them the freedom to develop their creeds and rituals into fresh innovative ideologies. Especially in Mecca the center of the Jahiliyyah religious experience this vibrant pluralistic environment became a breeding ground for bold new ideas and exciting religious experimentation the most important of which was an obscure Arab monotheistic movement called Hanifism which arose some time around the sixth century C.E. and which as far as anyone is aware existed nowhere else except in western Arabia a region the Arabs called the Hijaz. The legendary origins of Hanifism are recounted in the writings of one of Muhammad’s earliest biographers Ibn Hisham. One day

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14 No god but God while the Meccans were celebrating a pagan festival at the Ka‘ba four men named Waraqa ibn Nawfal Uthman ibn Huwairith Ubayd Allah ibn Jahsh and Zayd ibn Amr drew apart from the rest of the worship- pers and met secretly in the desert. There they agreed “in the bonds of friendship” that they would never again worship the idols of their forefathers. They made a solemn pact to return to the unadulterated religion of Abraham whom they considered to be neither a Jew nor a Christian but a pure monotheist: a hanif from the Arabic root hnf meaning “to turn away from” as in one who turns away from idola- try. The four men left Mecca and went their separate ways preaching the new religion and seeking out others like them. In the end Waraqa Uthman and Ubayd Allah all converted to Christianity a fact that indicates the religion’s influence over the region. But Zayd continued in the new faith abandoning the religion of his people and abstaining from the worship of in his words “the helpless and harm- less idols” in the sanctuary. Standing in the shadow of the Ka‘ba his back pressed against its irregular stone walls Zayd rebuked his fellow Meccans shouting “I renounce Allat and al-Uzza both of them . . . I will not worship Hubal though he was our lord in the days when I had little sense.” Pushing through the crowded market his voice raised over the din of the merchants he would cry “Not one of you follows the religion of Abraham but I.” Like all preachers of his time Zayd was also a poet and the verses that the traditions have ascribed to him contain extraordinary declara- tions. “T o God I give my praise and thanksgiving” he sang. “There is no god beyond Him.” And yet despite his call for monotheism and his repudiation of the idols inside the sanctuary Zayd maintained a deep veneration for the Ka‘ba itself which he believed was spiritually con- nected to Abraham. “I take refuge in that in which Abraham took refuge” Zayd declared. By all accounts the Hanif movement flourished throughout the Hijaz especially in major population centers like T a’if where the poet Umayya ibn Abi Salt wrote verses extolling “the religion of Abra- ham” and Yathrib the home of two influential Hanif tribal leaders Abu Amir ar-Rahib and Abu Qais ibn al-Aslat. Other Hanif preachers

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The Sanctuary in the Desert 15 included Khalid ibn Sinan called “a prophet lost by his people” and Qass ibn Sa’idah known as “the sage of the Arabs.” It is impossible to say how many Hanif converts there were in pre-Islamic Arabia or how large the movement had become. What seems evident however is that there were many in the Arabian Peninsula who were actively struggling to transform the vague henotheism of the pagan Arabs into what Jonathan Fueck has termed “a national Arabian monotheism.” But Hanifism seemed to have been more than just a primitive Arab monotheistic movement. The traditions present the Hanifs as preaching an active god who was intimately involved in the personal lives of his creation a god who did not need mediators to stand between him and humanity. At the heart of the movement was a fer- vent commitment to an absolute morality. It was not enough merely to abstain from idol worship the Hanifs believed one must strive to be morally upright. “I serve my Lord the compassionate” Zayd said “that the forgiving Lord may pardon my sin.” The Hanifs also spoke in an abstract fashion about a future day of reckoning when everyone would have to answer for his or her moral choices. “Beware O men of what follows death” Zayd warned his fellow Meccans. “You can hide nothing from God.” This would have been a wholly new concept for a people with no firm notion of an afterlife especially one based on human morality. And because Hanif- ism was like Christianity a proselytizing faith its ideology would have spread throughout the Hijaz. Most sedentary Arabs would have heard Hanif preachers the Meccans would surely have been familiar with Hanif ideology and there can be little doubt that the Prophet Muhammad would have been aware of both. There exists a little-known tradition recounting an astonishing meet- ing between Zayd the Hanif and a teen-aged Muhammad. The story seems to have been originally reported by Yunus ibn Bukayr on the authority of Muhammad’s first biographer Ibn Ishaq. And while it appears to have been expunged from Ibn Hisham’s retelling of Muhammad’s life M. J. Kister has catalogued no fewer than eleven other traditions that recount nearly identical versions of the story. It was the chroniclers say “one of the hot days of Mecca” when

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16 No god but God Muhammad and his childhood friend Ibn Haritha were returning home from T a’if where they had slaughtered and roasted a ewe in sac- rifice to one of the idols most likely Allat. As the two boys made their way through the upper part of the Meccan Valley they suddenly came upon Zayd who was either living as a recluse on the high ground above Mecca or was in the midst of a lengthy spiritual retreat. Recog- nizing him at once Muhammad and Ibn Haritha greeted the Hanif with “the greeting of the Jahiliyyah” in’am sabahan and sat down to rest next to him. Muhammad asked “Why do I see you O son of Amr hated by your people” “I found them associating divinities with God and I was reluctant to do the same” Zayd replied. “I wanted the religion of Abraham.” Muhammad accepted this explanation without comment and opened his bag of sacrificed meat. “Eat some of this food O my uncle” he said. But Zayd reacted with disgust. “Nephew that is a part of those sacrifices of yours which you offer to your idols is it not” Muham- mad answered that it was. Zayd became indignant. “I never eat of these sacrifices and I want nothing to do with them” he cried. “I am not one to eat anything slaughtered for a divinity other than God.” So struck was Muhammad by Zayd’s rebuke that many years later when recounting the story he claimed never again to have “stroked an idol of theirs nor . . . sacrificed to them until God honored me with his Apostleship.” The notion that a young pagan Muhammad could have been scolded for his idolatry by a Hanif flies in the face of traditional Mus- lim views regarding the Prophet’s perpetual monotheistic integrity. It is a common belief in Islam that even before being called by God Muhammad never took part in the pagan rituals of his community. In his history of the Prophet al-T abari states that God kept Muhammad from ever participating in any pagan rituals lest he be defiled by them. But this view which is reminiscent of the Catholic belief in Mary’ s perpetual virginity has little basis in either history or scripture. Not only does the Quran admit that God found Muhammad “erring” and gave him guidance 93:7 but the ancient traditions clearly show

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The Sanctuary in the Desert 17 Muhammad deeply involved in the religious customs of Mecca: cir- cumambulating the Ka‘ba making sacrifices and going on pagan devotional retreats called tahannuth. Indeed when the pagan sanctu- ary was torn down and rebuilt it was enlarged and finally roofed Muhammad took an active part in its reconstruction. All the same the doctrine of Muhammad’s monotheistic integrity is an important facet of the Muslim faith because it appears to support the belief that the Revelation he received came from a divine source. Admitting that Muhammad might have been influenced by someone like Zayd is for some Muslims tantamount to denying the heavenly inspiration of Muhammad’ s message. But such beliefs are based on the common yet erroneous assumption that religions are born in some sort of cultural vacuum they most certainly are not. All religions are inextricably bound to the social spiritual and cultural milieux from which they arose and in which they developed. It is not prophets who create religions. Prophets are above all re- formers who redefine and reinterpret the existing beliefs and practices of their communities providing fresh sets of symbols and metaphors with which succeeding generations can describe the nature of reality. Indeed it is most often the prophet’s successors who take upon them- selves the responsibility of fashioning their master’s words and deeds into unified easily comprehensible religious systems. Like so many prophets before him Muhammad never claimed to have invented a new religion. By his own admission Muhammad’s message was an attempt to reform the existing religious beliefs and cultural practices of pre-Islamic Arabia so as to bring the God of the Jews and Christians to the Arab peoples. “God has established for you the Arabs the same religion enjoined on Noah on Abraham on Moses and on Jesus” the Quran says 42:13. It should not be surpris- ing therefore that Muhammad would have been influenced as a young man by the religious landscape of pre-Islamic Arabia. As unique and divinely inspired as the Islamic movement may have been its origins are undoubtedly linked to the multiethnic multireligious society that fed Muhammad’s imagination as a young man and allowed him to craft his revolutionary message in a language that would have been easily recognizable to the pagan Arabs he was so desperately try-

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�� 18 No god but God ing to reach. Because whatever else Muhammad may have been he was without question a man of his time even if one chooses to call that a “Time of Ignorance.” MUHAMMAD WA S BORN according to Muslim tradition in 570 C.E. the same year that Abraha the Christian Abyssinian ruler of Yemen attacked Mecca with a herd of elephants in an attempt to destroy the Ka‘ba and make the church at Sana‘ the new religious cen- ter in the Arabian Peninsula. It is written that when Abraha’s army drew near the city the Meccans frightened at the sight of the massive elephants the Abyssinians had imported from Africa retreated to the mountains leaving the Ka‘ba defenseless. But just as the Abyssinian army was about to attack the sanctuary the sky darkened and a flock of birds each carrying a stone in its beak rained down the wrath of Allah on the invading army until it had no choice but to retreat back to Yemen. In a society with no fixed calendar “The Y ear of the Elephant” as it came to be known was not only the most important date in recent memory it was the commencement of a new Arab chronology. That is why the early biographers set Muhammad’s birth in the year 570 so that it would coincide with another significant date. But 570 is neither the correct year of Muhammad’s birth nor for that matter of the Abyssinian attack on Mecca modern scholarship has determined that momentous event to have taken place around 552 C.E. The fact is that no one knows now just as no one knew then when Muhammad was born because birthdays were not necessarily significant dates in pre- Islamic Arab society. Muhammad himself may not have known in what year he was born. In any case nobody would have cared about Muhammad’s birth date until long after he was recognized as a prophet perhaps not even until long after he had died. Only then would his followers have wanted to establish a year for his birth in order to institute a firm Islamic chronology. And what more appropri- ate year could they have chosen than the Year of the Elephant For better or worse the closest our modern historical methods can come to determining the date of Muhammad’s birth is some time in the last half of the sixth century C.E.

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The Sanctuary in the Desert 19 As is the case with most prophets Muhammad’s birth was accom- panied by signs and portents. Al-Tabari writes that while Muham- mad’s father Abdallah was on his way to meet his bride he was stopped by a strange woman who seeing a light shining between his eyes demanded he sleep with her. Abdallah politely refused and con- tinued to the house of Amina where he consummated the marriage that would result in the birth of the Prophet. The next day when Abdallah saw the same woman again he asked her “Why do you not make the same proposition to me today that you made to me yester- day” The woman replied “The light which was with you yesterday has left you. I have no need of you today.” Abdallah never had the chance to decipher the woman’s words he died before Muhammad was born leaving behind a meager inheri- tance of a few camels and sheep. But the signs of Muhammad’s prophetic identity continued. While she was pregnant Amina heard a voice tell her “You are pregnant with the Lord of this people and when he is born say ‘I put him in the care of the One from the evil of every envier’ then call him Muhammad.” Sometimes Amina would see a light shining from her belly by which she could make out “the castles of Syria” a reference perhaps to Muhammad’s prophetic suc- cession to Jesus Syria was an important seat of Christianity. As an infant Muhammad was placed in the care of a Bedouin fos- ter mother to be nursed a common tradition among Arabs of seden- tary societies who wanted their children to be raised in the desert according to the ancient customs of their forefathers. Appropriately it was in the desert that Muhammad had his first prophetic experience. While herding a flock of lambs he was approached by two men clothed in white who carried with them a golden basin full of snow. The two men came to Muhammad and pinned him to the ground. They reached into his chest and removed his heart. After extracting a drop of black liquid from it they washed the heart clean in the snow and gently placed it back into Muhammad’ s breast before disappearing. When he was six years old Muhammad’s mother died as well and he was sent to live with his grandfather Abd al-Muttalib who as the man in charge of providing Zamzam water to the pilgrims filled one of the most influential pagan posts in Meccan society. T wo years later Abd al-Muttalib also died and the orphaned Muhammad was once

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20 No god but God again shuttled off to another relative this time to the house of his powerful uncle Abu Talib. Taking pity on the boy Abu Talib em- ployed him in his lucrative caravan business. It was during one of these trading missions while the caravan made its way to Syria that Muhammad’s prophetic identity was finally revealed. Abu T alib had prepared a large trading expedition to Syria when he decided at the last moment to take Muhammad along. As the car- avan moved slowly across the scorched landscape a Christian monk named Bahira caught sight of it passing by his monastery at Basra. Bahira was a learned man who possessed a secret book of prophecy passed down from generation to generation by the monks in his order. Crouched day and night in his cell he had pored over the ancient manuscript and discovered within its weathered pages the coming of a new prophet. It was for this reason that he decided to stop the caravan. For he noticed that as the convoy balanced its way over the thin gray horizon a small cloud hovered continuously over one member of the group shielding only him from the heat of the merciless sun. When this person stopped so did the cloud and when he dismounted his camel to rest under a tree the cloud followed him overshadow- ing the tree’s meager shade until its slender branches bent down to shelter him. Recognizing what these signs could mean Bahira sent an urgent message to the caravan leaders. “I have prepared food for you” the message read. “I should like you all to come both great and small bond and free.” The members of the caravan were startled. They had passed the monastery many times on their way to Syria but Bahira had never before taken notice of them. Nevertheless they decided to break for the evening and join the old monk. As they ate Bahira noticed that the one he had seen in the distance the one who was attended by the clouds and the trees was not among them. He asked the men if every member of the caravan was present. “Do not let any of you remain behind and not come to my feast.” The men replied that everyone who ought to be present was pres- ent except of course for the young boy Muhammad whom they had left outside to watch over the baggage. Bahira was elated. He insisted the boy join them. When Muhammad entered the monastery the

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The Sanctuary in the Desert 21 monk gave him a brief examination and declared to everyone present that this was “the Messenger of the Lord of the Worlds.” Muhammad was nine years old. If the childhood stories about Muhammad seem familiar it is because they function as a prophetic topos: a conventional literary theme that can be found in most mythologies. Like the infancy narratives in the Gospels these stories are not intended to relate historical events but to elucidate the mystery of the prophetic experience. They answer the questions: What does it mean to be a prophet Does one suddenly become a prophet or is prophethood a state of existence established before birth indeed before the beginning of time If the latter then there must have been signs foretelling the prophet’s arrival: a miracu- lous conception perhaps or some prediction of the prophet’s identity and mission. The story of the pregnant Amina is remarkably similar to the Christian story of Mary who when pregnant with Jesus heard the angel of the Lord declare “Y ou will be with child and will give birth to a son and you are to give him the name Jesus. He will be great and will be called the Son of the Most High” Luke 1:31–32. The story of Bahira resembles the Jewish story of Samuel who when told by God that one of Jesse’s sons would be the next king of Israel invited the entire family to a feast in which the youngest son David was left behind to tend the sheep. “Send for him” Samuel demanded when the rest of Jesse’s sons were rejected. “We will not sit down until he arrives.” The moment David entered the room he was anointed king 1 Samuel 16:1–13. Again the historicity of these topoi is irrelevant. It is not important whether the stories describing the childhood of Muhammad Jesus or David are true. What is important is what these stories say about our prophets our messiahs our kings: that theirs is a holy and eternal vocation established by God from the moment of creation. Even so when combined with what is known about pre-Islamic Arabian society one can glean important historical information from these traditions. For example we can reasonably conclude that Muhammad was a Meccan and an orphan that he worked for his uncle’s caravan from a young age that this caravan made frequent

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22 No god but God trips throughout the region and would have encountered Christian Zoroastrian and Jewish tribes all of whom were deeply involved in Arab society and finally that he must have been familiar with the reli- gion and ideology of Hanifism which pervaded Mecca and which very likely set the stage for Muhammad’s own movement. Indeed as if to emphasize the connection between Hanifism and Islam the early Muslim biographers transformed Zayd into a John the Baptist char- acter attributing to him the expectation of “a prophet from the descendants of Ismail in particular from the descendants of Abd al-Muttalib.” “I do not think that I shall live to see him” Zayd reportedly said “but I believe in him proclaim the truth of his message and testify that he is a prophet.” Perhaps Zayd was wrong. Perhaps he did meet this prophet though he could not have known that the young orphan boy he had instructed against sacrificing to the idols would in a few short years stand where Zayd once stood in the shadow of the Ka‘ba and raise his voice over the din of the spinning pilgrims to ask “Have you consid- ered Allat al-Uzza and Manat . . . These are only names that you and your fathers invented... I prefer the religion of Abraham the Hanif who was not one of the idolaters” 53:19 23 2:135.

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������ 2. The Keeper of the Keys MUHAMMAD IN MECCA W ITH THE ARRIVAL of the pilgrimage season—the last two months and the first month of each year—ancient Mecca is trans- formed from the bustling desert metropolis it usually is into a city bursting at its borders with pilgrims merchants and caravans travel- ing to and from the great commercial fairs in neighboring towns like Ukaz and Dhu’l-Majaz. Whether originating in Mecca or not all car- avans wishing to enter the city must first halt at the outskirts of the Meccan Valley so that their goods can be tallied and a record made of their trading mission. The camels are relieved of their burdens and placed in the custody of slaves while a Meccan official assesses the value of the textiles or oils or dates the caravan has brought back from the fairs. From this total the official will collect Mecca’s fee: a modest tax on all commerce that takes place in and around the sacred city. Only when this business is complete are the caravan workers free to strip off their filthy veils and make their way to the Ka‘ba.

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�� 24 No god but God The ancient city of Mecca radiates concentrically from the sanc- tuary at its heart its narrow dirt streets like arteries transporting pil- grims back and forth from the Ka‘ba. The homes on the outer rings are made of mud and straw: impermanent structures inevitably swept away by the annual floods that inundate this valley. Closer to the city center the homes are larger and more permanent though still made of mud only the Ka‘ba is stone. This is Mecca’s market quarter—the suqs—where the air is thick and pungent with smoke and the stalls reek of blood and spices. The caravan workers push their way wearily through the crowded market past the sheep hearts and goat tongues roasting over open fires past the boisterous merchants haggling with the pilgrims past the dark women crouching in courtyards until they finally arrive at the consecrated threshold of the sanctuary. The men cleanse them- selves at the well of Zamzam then announce their presence to “the Lord of the House” before joining the swarm of pilgrims circling the Ka‘ba. Meanwhile inside the sanctuary an old man in a spotless white tunic shuffles between the wood and stone idols lighting candles and rearranging the altars. This man is no priest he is not even a Kahin. He is someone far more important. He is a Quraysh: a member of the powerful fabulously wealthy tribe that had settled in Mecca centuries earlier and who are now known throughout the Hijaz as ahl Allah: “the T ribe of God” the Wardens of the Sanctuary. THE QURAYSH’S DOMINANCE of Mecca began at the end of the fourth century C.E. when an ambitious young Arab named Qusayy managed to gain control of the Ka‘ba by uniting a number of feuding clans under his rule. Clans in the Arabian Peninsula were primarily composed of large extended families that called themselves either bayt house of or banu sons of the family’s patriarch. Muhammad’s clan was thus known as Banu Hashim “the Sons of Hashim.” Through intermarriage and political alliances a group of clans could merge to become an ahl or a qawm: a “people” more commonly called a tribe. During the early settlement period of Mecca a number of clans some of whom shared a loose alliance vied for control of the city. In

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The Keeper of the Keys 25 essence what Qusayy had managed to do was unite those clans who were nominally bound to each other through blood and marriage into a single dominant tribe: the Quraysh. Qusayy’s genius was his recognition that the source of Mecca’s power rested in its sanctuary. Simply put he who controlled the Ka‘ba controlled the city. By appealing to the ethnic sentiments of his Qurayshi kinsmen whom he called “the noblest and purest of the descendants of Ismail” Qusayy was able to capture the Ka‘ba from his rival clans and declare himself “King of Mecca.” Although he allowed the pilgrimage rituals to remain unchanged he alone held the keys to the temple. As a result he had sole authority to feed and provide water to the pilgrims to preside at assemblies around the Ka‘ba where mar- riage and circumcision rites were performed and to hand out the war banners. As if to emphasize further the sanctuary’s power to bestow authority Qusayy divided Mecca into quarters creating an outer and an inner ring of settlements. The closer one lived to the sanctuary the greater one’s power. Qusayy’s house it seems was actually attached to the Ka‘ba. The significance of his proximity to the sanctuary was not lost on the Meccans. It would have been difficult to ignore the fact that the pilgrims who circumambulated the Ka‘ba were also circumambulat- ing Qusayy. And because the only way to enter the Ka‘ba’s inner shrine was through a door located inside Qusayy’s house no person could approach the gods in the sanctuary without first going through him. In this way Qusayy bestowed upon himself both political and religious authority over the city. He was not just the King of Mecca he was “the Keeper of the Keys.” “His authority among his tribe of Quraysh in his life and after his death was like a religion which peo- ple followed” recounts Ibn Ishaq. Qusayy’s most important innovation was the establishment of what would become the foundation of Mecca’s economy. He began by strengthening his city’s position as the dominant place of worship in the Hijaz collecting all the idols venerated by neighboring tribes— especially those situated on the sacred hills of Safah and Marwah— and transferring them to the Ka‘ba. Henceforth if one wanted to worship say the lover gods Isaf and Na’ila one could do so only at Mecca and only after paying a toll to the Quraysh for the right to

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26 No god but God enter the sacred city. As Keeper of the Keys Qusayy also maintained a monopoly over the buying and selling of goods and services to the pil- grims which he in turn paid for by taxing the city’s inhabitants and keeping the surplus for himself. In a few short years Qusayy’s system had made him and those ruling clans of Quraysh who had managed to connect their fortunes with his enormously wealthy. But there was even more profit to be made in Mecca. Like all Semitic sanctuaries the Ka‘ba transformed the entire sur- rounding area into sacred ground making the city of Mecca a neutral zone where fighting among tribes was prohibited and weapons were not allowed. The pilgrims who traveled to Mecca during the pilgrim- age season were encouraged to take advantage of the peace and pros- perity of the city by bringing with them merchandise to trade. To facilitate this the great commercial fairs of the Hijaz coincided with the pilgrimage cycle and the rules for one complemented those for the other. Whether it was Qusayy’s idea to begin collecting a tax on this trade is difficult to know. At this point it is likely that the Quraysh acted only as stewards of the trade that took place in and around Mecca collecting a small fee for assuring the safety of the caravans in what was a dangerous and unpatrolled region of the desert. What seems clear however is that a few generations after Qusayy under the directive of his grandson and Muhammad’s great-grandfather Hashim the Quraysh had managed to create a modest but lucrative trading zone in Mecca one which relied almost entirely on the Ka‘ba’ s pilgrimage cycle for its subsistence. How expansive the trade in Mecca was is a matter of fierce debate among scholars. For years it was axiomatic to think of Mecca as the nexus of an international trade route that imported gold silver and spices from the southern ports of Yemen then exported them to the Byzantine and Sasanian empires for a hefty profit. According to this view which is confirmed by an overwhelming number of Arabic sources the Quraysh presided over what would have been a natural trading outpost between southern and northern Arabia a region whose prestige would have been greatly enhanced by the presence of the Ka‘ba. Thus Mecca was the financial center of the Hijaz accord- ing to Montgomery Watt and trade was Mecca’s raison d’être in the words of Muhammad Shaban.

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The Keeper of the Keys 27 Recently however a number of scholars have questioned this view primarily because not a single non-Arabic source has been dis- covered to corroborate the theory of Mecca as the hub of an interna- tional trade zone. “Of Quraysh and their trading center there is no mention at all be it in the Greek Latin Syrian Aramaic Coptic or other literature composed outside Arabia before the conquests” Patricia Crone writes in Meccan Trade and the Rise of Islam. “This silence is striking and significant.” Crone and others have argued that unlike the case in other firmly established trading centers like Petra and Palmyra there are no tangi- ble signs of amassed capital in pre-Islamic Mecca. And despite the claims of the Arabic sources both historical evidence and basic geo- graphical sense clearly indicate that Mecca was not situated on any known trading route in the Arabian Peninsula. “Why should caravans have made a deep descent to the barren valley of Mecca when they could have stopped at T a’if ” asks Crone. Crone is correct. There was no reason either to travel to Mecca or for that matter to settle there. No reason that is but the Ka‘ba. There is no question that Mecca was out of the way. The natural trade route in the Hijaz lay east of the city a stop in Mecca would have required a significant detour between Yemen and Syria the primary transit for international trade in pre-Islamic Arabia. Certainly Ta’if which was situated near the trade route and which also had a sanctuary dedicated to Allat would have been a more natural stop along the way. But the city of Mecca was endowed with a special sanctity that went beyond the Ka‘ba itself by virtue of the presence of the sanctu- ary and the gods housed inside. Unlike the other sanctuaries dotting the desert landscape of the Hijaz—each dedicated to a local deity—the Ka‘ba was unique in that it claimed to be a universal shrine. Every god in pre-Islamic Arabia was said to reside in this single sanctuary which meant that regardless of their tribal beliefs all peoples of the Arabian Peninsula felt a deep spiritual obligation not only to the Ka‘ba but also to the city that housed it and the tribe that preserved it. Crone’s solution to the dis- crepancies between the Arabic and non-Arabic texts is to conclude that everything we know about the pre-Islamic Ka‘ba indeed every- thing we know about the Prophet Muhammad and the rise of Islam in

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28 No god but God seventh-century Arabia is a complete fabrication created by Arab sto- rytellers in the eighth and ninth centuries—a fiction containing not one kernel of sound historical evidence. The truth is probably somewhere between Watt’ s “center of inter- national commerce” theory and Crone’s “fictional Muhammad” solu- tion. The non-Arabic texts clearly disprove the notion that Mecca was the hub of an international trading zone. However the overwhelming Arabic evidence to the contrary indicates that there was at least some measure of trade taking place in Mecca long before the rise of Islam. Even if the size and scope of this trade have been overstated by the Arabic sources whose authors may have wanted to exaggerate the commercial expertise of their ancestors it seems clear that the Mec- cans were engaged in what F. E. Peters calls an “internal trade-barter system” which was supplemented by a modest trading zone along the frontiers of the Syrian and Iraqi borders and which relied almost exclusively on the cycle of commercial fairs that by design coincided with the pilgrimage season in Mecca. The point is that this trade modest as it may have been was wholly dependent on the Ka‘ba there was simply no other reason to be in Mecca. This was a desert wasteland that produced nothing. As Richard Bulliet notes in his wonderful book The Camel and the Wheel “the only reason for Mecca to grow into a great trading center was that it was able somehow to force the trade under its control.” Indeed that is precisely what Mecca had managed to do. By inextricably link- ing the religious and economic life of the city Qusayy and his descen- dants had developed an innovative religio-economic system that relied on control of the Ka‘ba and its pilgrimage rites—rites in which nearly the whole of the Hijaz participated—to guarantee the economic religious and political supremacy of a single tribe the Quraysh. That is why the Abyssinians tried to destroy the Ka‘ba in the Y ear of the Elephant. Having constructed their own pilgrimage center in Sana‘ near the prosperous commercial ports of Yemen the Abys- sinians set out to eliminate Mecca’s sanctuary not because the Ka‘ba was a religious threat but because it was an economic rival. Like the leaders of Ta’if Mina Ukaz and nearly every other neighboring region the Abyssinians would have loved to replicate Mecca’s religio- economic system in their own territories and under their own author-

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The Keeper of the Keys 29 ity. After all if this system had made a loose confederation of clans like the Quraysh rich it could make anyone rich. Y et not everyone in Mecca benefited from the Quraysh’s system. The strictures of Bedouin life naturally prevented the social and economic hierarchies that were so prevalent in sedentary societies like Mecca. The only way to survive in a community in which movement was the norm and material accumulation impractical was to maintain a strong sense of tribal solidarity by evenly sharing all available resources. The tribal ethic was therefore founded on the principle that every member had an essential function in maintaining the stabil- ity of the tribe which was only as strong as its weakest members. This was not an ideal of social equality: the notion that every member of the tribe was of equal worth. Rather the tribal ethic was meant to maintain a semblance of social egalitarianism so that regardless of one’s position every member could share in the social and economic rights and privileges that preserved the unity of the tribe. In pre-Islamic Arabia the responsibility for maintaining the tribal ethic fell upon the Sayyid or Shaykh of the tribe. Unanimously elected as “the first among equals” the Shaykh the title means “one who bears the marks of old age” was the most highly respected member of his community the figurehead who represented the strength and moral attributes of the tribe. Although it was a common belief that the qualities of leadership and nobility were inherent in certain families the Shaykh was not a hereditary position the Arabs had great disdain for the inherited reigns of the Byzantine and Sasanian kings. The only requirement for becoming a Shaykh besides maturity was to embody the ideals of muruwah: the code of tribal conduct that was composed of important Arab virtues like bravery honor hospitality strength in battle concern for justice and above all an assiduous dedication to the collective good of the tribe. Because the Arabs were wary of concentrating all the functions of leadership in a single individual the Shaykh had little real executive authority. Every important decision was made through collective con- sultation with other individuals in the tribe who had equally impor- tant roles: the Qa‘id who acted as war leader the Kahin or cultic official and the Hakam who settled disputes. The Shaykh may occa- sionally have acted in one or more of these functions but his primary

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30 No god but God responsibility was to maintain order within and between the tribes by assuring the protection of every member of his community especially those who could not protect themselves: the poor and the weak the young and the elderly the orphan and the widow. Loyalty to the Shaykh was symbolized by an oath of allegiance called bay’ah which was given to the man not the office. If the Shaykh failed in his duty to adequately protect every member of his tribe the oath would be with- drawn and another leader chosen to fill his place. In a society with no concept of an absolute morality as dictated by a divine code of ethics—a Ten Commandments if you will—the Shaykh had only one legal recourse for maintaining order in his tribe: the Law of Retribution. Lex talionis in Latin the Law of Retribution is more popularly known in the West as the somewhat crude concept of “an eye for an eye.” Yet far from being a barbaric legal system the Law of Retribution was actually meant to limit barbarism. Accord- ingly an injury to a neighbor’s eye confined retaliation to only an eye and nothing more the theft of a neighbor’s camel required payment of exactly one camel killing a neighbor’s son meant the execution of one’s own son. T o facilitate retribution a pecuniary amount known as “blood money” was established for all goods and assets as well as for every member of society and in fact for every part of an individual’s body. In Muhammad’ s time the life of a free man was worth about one hundred camels the life of a free woman fifty. It was the Shaykh’s responsibility to maintain peace and stability in his community by ensuring the proper retribution for all crimes committed within the tribe. Crimes committed against those outside the tribe were not only unpunished they were not really crimes. Stealing killing or injuring another person was not considered a morally reprehensible act per se and such acts were punished only if they weakened the stability of the tribe. Occasionally the sense of balance inherent in the Law of Retribu- tion was skewed because of some logistical complication. For exam- ple if a stolen camel turned out to be pregnant would the thief owe the victim one camel or two Because there was no formal law enforcement and no judicial system at all in tribal societies in cases in which negotiation was required the two sides would bring their argu- ments to a Hakam: any trusted neutral party who acted as an arbiter

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The Keeper of the Keys 31 in the dispute. After collecting a security from both sides to ensure that all parties would abide by his arbitration—which was technically unenforceable—the Hakam would make an authoritative legal decla- ration: “A pregnant camel is worth two camels.” As the Hakam’s arbi- trations accumulated over time they became the foundation of a normative legal tradition or Sunna that served as the tribe’s legal code. In other words never again was arbitration needed to decide the worth of a pregnant camel. However because each tribe had its own Hakams and its own Sunna the laws and traditions of one tribe did not necessarily apply to another. It was often the case that an individual had no legal protec- tion no rights and no social identity whatsoever outside his own tribe. How the pre-Islamic Arabs were able to maintain intertribal order when there was technically nothing morally wrong with stealing from injuring or killing someone outside one’s own tribe is a compli- cated matter. The tribes maintained relationships with one another through a complex network of alliances and affiliations. But the easy answer is that if someone from one tribe harmed a member of another the injured tribe if strong enough could demand retribu- tion. Consequently it was the Shaykh’s responsibility to ensure that neighboring tribes understood that any act of aggression against his people would be equally avenged. If he could not provide this service he would no longer be Shaykh. The problem in Mecca was that the concentration of wealth in the hands of a few ruling families had not only altered the social and eco- nomic landscape of the city it had effectively destroyed the tribal ethic. The sudden tide of personal wealth in Mecca had swept away tribal ideals of social egalitarianism. No longer was there any concern for the poor and marginalized no longer was the tribe only as strong as its weakest members. The Shaykhs of Quraysh had become far more interested in maintaining the apparatus of trade than in caring for the dispossessed. How could the Law of Retribution function properly when one party in a dispute was so wealthy and so powerful as to be virtually untouchable How could intertribal relations be maintained when the Quraysh’s ever-expanding authority placed them essentially beyond reproach It certainly didn’t help matters that as Keepers of the Keys the Quraysh’s authority in Mecca was not just

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�� 32 No god but God political or economic but also religious. Consider that the Hanifs whom the traditions present as severely critical of the insatiable greed of their fellow Meccans nevertheless maintained an unshakable loy- alty to the Quraysh whom they regarded as “the legitimate agents of the Abrahamic sacredness of Mecca and the Ka‘ba.” With the demise of the tribal ethic Meccan society became strictly stratified. At the top were the leaders of the ruling families of Quraysh. If one was fortunate enough to acquire enough capital to start a small business one could take full advantage of the city’s reli- gio-economic system. But for most Meccans this was simply not pos- sible. Especially for those with no formal protection—such as orphans and widows neither of whom had access to any kind of inheritance— the only option was to borrow money from the rich at exorbitant interest rates which inevitably led to debt which in turn led to crush- ing poverty and ultimately to slavery. AS A N ORPHAN Muhammad must have understood all too well the difficulty of falling outside Mecca’s religio-economic system. Fortu- nately for him his uncle and new guardian Abu Talib was also the Shaykh of the Banu Hashim—a small not very wealthy yet presti- gious clan within the mighty tribe of Quraysh. It was Abu T alib who kept Muhammad from falling into the debt and slavery that were the fate of so many orphans in Mecca by providing him with a home and the opportunity to eke out a living working for his caravan. There is no question that Muhammad was good at his job. The traditions go to great lengths to emphasize his success as a skillful merchant who knew how to strike a lucrative deal. Despite his lowly status in Meccan society he was widely known throughout the city as an upright and pious man. His nickname was al-Amin “the trustwor- thy one” and he was on a few occasions chosen to serve as Hakam in small disputes. Muhammad was also it seems a striking man. He is described as broad-chested with a full beard and a hooked nose that gave him a stately appearance. Numerous accounts speak of his wide black eyes and the long thick hair he kept tied behind his ears in plaits. And yet as honest or skilled as he may have been by the turn of the seventh

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The Keeper of the Keys 33 century Muhammad was a twenty-five-year-old man still unmarried with no capital and no business of his own who relied entirely on his uncle’s generosity for his employment and his housing. In fact his prospects were so depressingly low that when he asked for the hand of his uncle’s daughter Umm Hani she rejected him outright for a more prosperous suitor. Things changed for Muhammad when he attracted the attention of a remarkable forty-year-old widow named Khadija. Khadija is an enigma: a wealthy and respected female merchant in a society that treated women as chattel and prohibited them from inheriting the property of their husbands Khadija had somehow managed to be- come one of the most respected members of Meccan society. She owned a thriving caravan business and though advanced in age and with children of her own was pursued by many men most of whom would have loved to get their hands on her money. According to Ibn Hisham Khadija first met Muhammad when she hired him to lead one of her caravans. She had heard of his “truth- fulness reliability and nobility of character” and decided to entrust him with a special expedition to Syria. Muhammad did not disappoint her. He returned from the trip with almost double the profits Khadija had expected and she rewarded him with a proposal of marriage. Muhammad gratefully accepted. His marriage to Khadija paved the way for Muhammad’s accep- tance at the highest levels of Meccan society and thoroughly initiated him into the religio-economic system of the city. By all accounts he was extremely successful in running his wife’s business rising in status and wealth until he was while not part of the ruling élite a member of what may be considered anachronistically “the middle class.” He even owned his own slave. Yet despite his success Muhammad felt deeply conflicted by his dual status in Meccan society. On the one hand he was renowned for his generosity and the evenhandedness with which he conducted his business. Although now a well-respected and relatively affluent mer- chant he frequently went on solitary retreats of “self-justification” the pagan practice of tahannuth mentioned in the previous chapter in the mountains and glens surrounding the Meccan Valley and he regu- larly gave money and food to the poor in a religious charity ritual tied

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34 No god but God to the cult of the Ka‘ba. On the other hand he seemed to be acutely aware of his complicity in Mecca’s religio-economic system which exploited the city’s unprotected masses in order to maintain the wealth and power of the élite. For fifteen years he struggled with the incongruity between his lifestyle and his beliefs by his fortieth year he was an intensely troubled man. Then one night in 610 C.E. as he was meditating on Mt. Hira during one of his religious retreats Muhammad had an encounter that would change the world. He sat alone in a cave deep in meditation. Suddenly an invisible presence crushed him in its embrace. He struggled to break free but could not move. He was overwhelmed by darkness. The pressure in his chest increased until he could no longer breathe. He felt he was dying. As he surrendered his final breath light and a terrifying voice washed over him “like the break of dawn.” “Recite” the voice commanded. “What shall I recite” Muhammad gasped. The invisible presence tightened its embrace. “Recite” “What shall I recite” Muhammad asked again his chest cav- ing in. Once more the presence tightened its grip and once more the voice repeated its command. Finally at the moment when he thought he could bear no more the pressure in his chest stopped and in the silence that engulfed the cave Muhammad felt these words stamped upon his heart: Recite in the name of your Lord who created Created humanity from a clot of blood. Recite for your Lord is the Most Generous One Who has taught by the pen T aught humanity that which it did not know. 96:1–5 This was Muhammad’s burning bush: the moment in which he ceased being a Meccan businessman concerned with society’s ills and became what in the Abrahamic tradition is called prophet. Yet like his great prophetic predecessors—Abraham Moses David and Jesus— Muhammad would be something more.

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The Keeper of the Keys 35 Muslims believe in the continual self-revelation of God from Adam down to all the prophets who have ever existed in all religions. These prophets are called nabis in Arabic and they have been chosen to relay God’s divine message to all humanity. But sometimes a nabi is given the extra burden of handing down sacred texts: Abraham who revealed the T orah David who composed the Psalms Jesus whose words inspired the Gospels. Such an individual is more than a mere prophet he is God’s messenger—a rasul. Thus Muhammad the mer- chant from Mecca who over the course of the next twenty-three years will recite the entire text of the Quran literally “the Recitation” would henceforth be known as Rasul Allah: “the Messenger of God.” What that first experience of Revelation was like for Muhammad is difficult to describe. The sources are vague sometimes conflicting. Ibn Hisham states that Muhammad was sleeping when the Revelation first came to him like a dream while al-T abari claims the Prophet was standing when the Revelation dropped him to his knees his shoulders trembled and he tried to crawl away. The command iqra that Muhammad heard in the cave is best understood as “recite” in al- Tabari’s biography but is clearly intended to mean “read” in Ibn Hisham’s. In fact according to one of Ibn Hisham’s traditions the first recitation was actually written on a magical brocade and placed in front of Muhammad to be read. Muslim tradition has tended to focus on al-T abari’s definition of iqra “recite” mostly to emphasize the notion that the Prophet was illiterate which some say is validated by the Quran’s epithet for Muhammad: an-nabi al-ummi traditionally understood as meaning “the unlettered Prophet.” But while Muhammad’s illiteracy may enhance the miracle of the Quran there is no historical justification for it. As Kenneth Cragg and many others have demonstrated an-nabi al-ummi should more properly be understood as “the Prophet for the unlettered” that is the Scriptureless a translation consistent both with the grammar of the sentence and with Muhammad’s view that the Quran is the Revelation for a people without a sacred book: “We did not give the Arabs any previous books to study nor sent them any previous Warners before you” 34:44. The fact is that it would be highly unlikely that a successful mer-

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36 No god but God chant like Muhammad would have been unable to read and write the receipts of his own business. Obviously he was neither a scribe nor a scholar and he in no way had the verbal prowess of a poet. But he must have been able to read and write basic Arabic—names dates goods services—and considering that many of his customers were Jews he may even have had rudimentary skills in Aramaic. The traditions also disagree about how old Muhammad was when the Revelation first came to him: some chroniclers say forty others claim he was forty-three. Although there is no way to know defini- tively Lawrence Conrad notes that it was a common belief among the ancient Arabs that “a man only reaches the peak of his physical and intellectual powers when he becomes forty years old.” The Quran confirms this belief by equating manhood with the realization of the fortieth year of life 46:15. In other words the ancient biographers may have been guessing when they attempted to calculate Muham- mad’s age at Mt. Hira just as they were probably guessing when they figured the year of his birth. Likewise there is a great deal of confusion over the precise date of that first revelatory experience. It is cited as having occurred either on the fourteenth seventeenth eighteenth or twenty-fourth day of the month of Ramadan. There is even some debate within the earliest community over exactly what the first recitation was: some chroni- clers claim that God’s first command to Muhammad was neither “recite” nor “read” but rather “arise and warn” Perhaps the reason the traditions are so vague and conflicting is that there was no single momentous revelatory event that initiated Muhammad’s prophethood but rather a series of smaller indescrib- able supernatural experiences that climaxed in a final violent encounter with the Divine. Aisha who would become the Prophet’s closest and most beloved companion claimed that the first signs of prophethood occurred long before the experience at Mt. Hira. These signs came in the form of visions that assailed Muhammad in his dreams and which were so disturbing that they made him increasingly seek solitude. “He liked nothing better than to be alone” Aisha recalled. Muhammad’s disturbing visions seem to have been accompanied by aural perceptions. Ibn Hisham records that when the Prophet set off to be alone in the “glens of Mecca” the stones and trees that he

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The Keeper of the Keys 37 passed along the way would say “Peace unto thee O Apostle of Allah.” When this happened Muhammad “would turn to his right and left and look behind him and he would see naught but trees and stones.” These aural and visual hallucinations continued right up to the moment in which he was called by God at Mt. Hira. Obviously no one but the prophet can describe the experience of revelation but it is neither irrational nor heretical to consider the attainment of prophetic consciousness to be a slowly evolving process. Did Jesus require the heavens to part and a dove to descend upon his head to affirm his messianic character or had he understood for some time that he was being singled out by God for a divine mission Did enlightenment suddenly burst like a flash of light upon Siddhartha while he sat under the Bodhi tree as the event has so often been described or was his enlightenment the result of a steadily developing conviction of the illusion of reality Perhaps the Revelation came to Muhammad “like the break of dawn” as some traditions claim or maybe he gradually became aware of his prophetic consciousness through ineffable supernatural experiences. It is impossible to know. What seems certain however is that Muhammad like all the prophets before him wanted nothing to do with God’s calling. So despondent was he about the experience that his first thought was to kill himself. As far as Muhammad understood only the Kahin whom he despised as reprehensible charlatans “I could not even look at them” he once exclaimed received messages from the heavens. If his experi- ence at Mt. Hira meant that he was himself becoming a Kahin and that his colleagues in Mecca were now going to regard him as such then he would rather be dead. “Never shall Quraysh say this of me” Muhammad swore. “I will go to the top of the mountain and throw myself down that I may kill myself and gain rest.” Muhammad was right to worry about being compared to a Kahin. What is impossible to discern in any translation of those first few verses of the Revelation is their exquisite poetic quality. That initial recitation and those that immediately followed were delivered in rhyming couplets which were very much like the ecstatic utterances of the Kahin. This would not have been unusual after all the Arabs were

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38 No god but God used to hearing the gods speak in poetry which elevated their lan- guage to the realm of the divine. But much later when Muhammad’s message began to clash with the Meccan élite his enemies would seize upon the similarities between the oracles of the Kahin and Muham- mad’ s recitations asking mockingly: “Should we abandon our gods for the sake of an insane poet” 37:36. The fact that there are dozens of verses in the Quran refuting the accusation that Muhammad was a Kahin indicates how important the issue was for the early Muslim community. As Muhammad’s move- ment expanded throughout the region the Revelation gradually became more prosaic and ceased to resemble the oracular style of the early verses. However in the beginning Muhammad knew exactly what would be said of him and the thought of being considered a Kahin by his contemporaries was enough to bring him to the edge of suicide. Eventually God relieved Muhammad’s anxiety by assuring him of his sanity. But it is safe to say that if it were not for Khadija Muham- mad might have gone through with his plan to end it all and history would have turned out quite differently. “By her God lightened the burden of His prophet” Ibn Hisham writes of the remarkable Khadija. “May God Almighty have mercy upon her” Still frightened and trembling from the experience in the cave Muhammad made his way back home where he crawled to his wife’s side crying “Wrap me up Wrap me up” Khadija immediately threw a cloak over him and held him tightly in her arms until the trembling and convulsions stopped. Once he had calmed Muhammad wept openly as he tried to explain what had hap- pened to him. “Khadija” he said “I think that I have gone mad.” “This cannot be my dear” Khadija replied stroking his hair. “God would not treat you thus since He knows your truthfulness your great trustworthiness your fine character and your kindness.” But because Muhammad remained inconsolable Khadija gath- ered her garments about her and sought out the only person she knew who would understand what had happened to her husband: her Chris- tian cousin Waraqa the same Waraqa who had been one of the orig-

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�� The Keeper of the Keys 39 inal Hanifs before converting to Christianity. Waraqa was familiar enough with the Scriptures to recognize Muhammad’s experience for what it was. “He is a prophet of this people” Waraqa assured his cousin after hearing her story. “Bid him be of good heart.” Still Muhammad was unsure particularly about what he was sup- posed to do now that he had been called by God. T o make matters worse when he needed assurance the most God turned mute. That first revelatory experience on Mt. Hira was followed by a long period of silence so that after a while even Khadija who never doubted the truth of Muhammad’s experience began to question the meaning of it. “I think that your Lord must have come to hate you” she confessed to Muhammad. Finally when Muhammad was at his lowest a second verse was sent down from heaven in the same painfully violent manner as the first this one assuring Muhammad that whether he liked it or not he was now the Messenger of God: By the grace of your Lord you are not a madman. Y ours will be an unending reward For you are a man of noble character. Soon you shall see and they shall see who the madman is. 68:1–5 Now Muhammad no longer had any choice but to “arise and warn.” THE EARLIEST VERSES that Muhammad revealed to the Meccans can be divided into two major themes religious and social—though the same language was employed for both. First in stunningly beauti- ful verse Muhammad sang of the power and glory of the God who “cracked open the earth and caused to grow in it corn and grapes and clover and olives and dates and orchards dense with trees” 80:19. This was not the same powerful and distant High God with whom most people in Mecca were already familiar. This was a good God who deeply loved creation. This God was ar-Rahman “the most merciful” 55:1 al-Akram “the most generous” 96:3. As such this was a God

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40 No god but God worthy of gratitude and worship. “How many favors from your Lord will you deny” Muhammad asked his kinsmen. Noticeably absent in these early verses about the power and good- ness of God is either an authoritative declaration of monotheism or a definitive critique of polytheism. In the beginning Muhammad seemed more concerned with revealing what kind of god Allah was not how many gods there were. Perhaps this is because as previously mentioned Muhammad was addressing a community that already possessed some measure of monotheistic—or at the very least heno- theistic—tendencies. The Quraysh did not need to be told there was only one god they’d heard that message many times before from the Jews the Christians and the Hanifs and they did not necessarily dis- agree. At this point in his ministry Muhammad had a far more urgent message. That message—the second theme informing the bulk of Muham- mad’s earliest recitations—dealt almost exclusively with the demise of the tribal ethic in Mecca. In the strongest terms Muhammad decried the mistreatment and exploitation of the weak and unprotected. He called for an end to false contracts and the practice of usury that had made slaves of the poor. He spoke of the rights of the underprivileged and the oppressed and made the astonishing claim that it was the duty of the rich and powerful to take care of them. “Do not oppress the orphan” the Quran commands “and do not drive away the beggar” 93:9–10. This was not friendly advice it was a warning. God had seen the greed and wickedness of the Quraysh and would tolerate it no longer. Woe to every slanderer and backbiter Who amasses wealth hoarding it to himself. Does he really think his wealth will make him immortal By no means He will be cast into . . . The fire kindled by God. 104:1–6 More than anything else Muhammad considered himself a warner carrying a message for those in his community who continued to abuse the orphan who did not induce others to feed the needy who

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The Keeper of the Keys 41 prayed to the gods while remaining oblivious to their moral duties and who withheld things of common use from others 107:1–7. His message was simple: the Day of Judgment was coming when “the sky will be cleft asunder and the earth shall be leveled” 84:1–3 and those who did not “free the slave” or “feed others in times of famine” would be engulfed in fire 90:13–20. This was a radical message one that had never been heard before in Mecca. Muhammad was not yet establishing a new religion he was calling for sweeping social reform. He was not yet preaching mono- theism he was demanding economic justice. And for this revolution- ary and profoundly innovative message he was more or less ignored. This was partly Muhammad’s fault. All of the traditions claim that at first Muhammad confined the Revelation to his closest friends and family members. The first person to accept his message was obvi- ously Khadija who from the moment she met him to the moment she died remained by her husband especially during those times when he was at his lowest. While there is a great deal of sectarian debate among Muslims as to who the second person to accept the message was it is safe to assume it would have been Muhammad’s cousin Ali who as Abu Talib’s son had grown up in the same household as the Prophet and was the closest person to him after his wife. Ali’s acceptance came as a great relief to Muhammad for he was not only Muhammad’s cousin he was also his closest ally: the man whom the Prophet repeatedly referred to as “brother.” Ali would eventually mature into the most respected warrior in Islam. He would marry Muhammad’s beloved daughter Fatima and provide the Prophet with his legendary grandsons Hasan and Husayn. Consid- ered the fount of esoteric knowledge and the father of Islamic meta- physics Ali would one day inspire an entirely new sect in Islam. However at the moment when he stood up as the first among the Banu Hashim to respond to the Prophet’s call he was only a thirteen- year-old boy. Ali’s conversion was promptly followed by the conversion of Muhammad’s slave Zayd whom he naturally freed. Soon afterward Abu Bakr Muhammad’s dear friend and a wealthy Qurayshi mer- chant became a follower. A deeply loyal and fervently pious man Abu

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42 No god but God Bakr’s first act after accepting Muhammad’s message was to spend his wealth buying and freeing the slaves of his fellow merchants until he had almost nothing left. Through Abu Bakr the message was dis- persed throughout the city for as Ibn Hisham testifies he was not the sort to keep such things to himself but “showed his faith openly and called others to God and his apostle.” One should at this point pause for a moment to consider several remarkable aspects of Muhammad’s movement in Mecca. While his message had eventually reached nearly every sector of society—from the weak and unprotected whose rights he advocated to the Meccan elite whom he preached against—the most surprising feature of his movement during those early years is that its followers consisted pri- marily of what Montgomery Watt has called “the most influential families in the most influential clans.” These were young men the majority under thirty years old who felt the same discontent with Meccan society as Muhammad did. And yet they were not all men: a great many of Muhammad’s earliest followers were women many of whom risked their lives in rejecting the traditions of their fathers hus- bands and brothers to join his movement. Regardless Muhammad’s reticence during those first few years kept this a small group of about thirty to forty people who referred to themselves as Muhammad’s Companions for at this point that was all they were. As far as everyone else in Mecca was concerned Muham- mad’s message and his Companions were best ignored. Both al-T abari and Ibn Hisham state that even after Muhammad began preaching publicly the Quraysh “did not withdraw from him or reject him in any way.” Why would they It was one thing to grow wealthy off the subjugation of the poor and the unprotected but it was another matter entirely to defend such practices. Besides there was nothing in Muhammad’s message that directly threatened their way of life either religiously or financially. As long as Muhammad’s movement did not affect the economic status quo the Quraysh would have been happy to allow him and his Companions to continue pray- ing in secret and meeting clandestinely to talk about their grievances. Muhammad however was never one to be ignored.

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�� The Keeper of the Keys 43 I N 613 THREE years after the Revelation had begun Muhammad’s message underwent a dramatic transformation one that is best summed up in the twofold profession of faith or shahadah that would hence- forth define both the mission and principles of the movement: There is no god but God and Muhammad is God’s Messenger. From this point forward in Muhammad’s ministry the monothe- ism that had been implicit in the earliest recitations became the domi- nant theology behind what had thus far been primarily a social message. “Proclaim to them what you have been commanded” God demands “and turn away from the polytheists” 15:94. But while it is commonly assumed that it was this new uncompro- mising monotheism that ultimately brought the wrath of the Quraysh upon Muhammad and his small band of followers “Does he make the gods one god” the Quraysh are supposed to have asked. “This is indeed an astounding thing” such a view fails to appreciate the pro- found social and economic consequences implied by this simple state- ment of faith. It is important to bear in mind that the Quraysh were quite sophisticated with regard to religion. After all they made their living off it. Polytheism henotheism monotheism Christianity Judaism Zoroastrianism Hanifism paganism in all its varieties the Quraysh had seen it all. It is difficult to believe they would have been shocked by Muhammad’s monotheistic claims. Not only had the Hanifs been preaching the same thing for years but the traditions list a number of other well-known prophetic figures living throughout the Hijaz who also preached monotheism. In fact the early Muslims revered two of these “prophets”—Suwayd and Luqman—as Muhammad’s predeces- sors. Luqman even has his own chapter in the Quran 31 in which he is called a man upon whom God had bestowed great wisdom. So the- ologically speaking Muhammad’s assertion that “there is no god but God” would have been neither scandalous nor for that matter origi- nal in Mecca. There are however two very important factors that distinguished Muhammad from the rest of his contemporaries factors that would

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44 No god but God have enraged the Quraysh far more than his monotheistic beliefs. First unlike Luqman and the Hanifs Muhammad did not speak from his own authority. Nor were his recitations mediated by the Jinn as was the case with the Kahins. On the contrary what made Muham- mad unique was his claim to be “the Messenger of God.” He even went so far as to identify himself repeatedly with the Jewish and Christian prophets and messengers who had come before him partic- ularly with Abraham whom all Meccans—pagan or otherwise— regarded as a divinely inspired prophet. In short the difference between Muhammad and the Hanifs was that Muhammad was not just preaching “the religion of Abraham” Muhammad was the new Abraham 6:83–86 21:51–93. And it was precisely this self-image that so greatly disturbed the Quraysh. For by proclaiming himself “the Messenger of God” Muhammad was blatantly transgressing the traditional Arab process through which power was granted. This was not authority that had been given to Muhammad as “the first among equals.” Muhammad had no equals. Second as mentioned the Hanif preachers may have attacked the polytheism and greed of their fellow Meccans but they maintained a deep veneration for the Ka‘ba and those in the community who acted as Keepers of the Keys. That would explain why the Hanifs appear to have been tolerated for the most part in Mecca and why they never converted in great numbers to Muhammad’ s movement. But as a busi- nessman and a merchant himself Muhammad understood what the Hanifs could not: the only way to bring about radical social and eco- nomic reform in Mecca was to overturn the religio-economic system on which the city was built and the only way to do that was to attack the very source of the Quraysh’s wealth and prestige—the Ka‘ba. “There is no god but God” was for Muhammad far more than a profession of faith. This statement was a conscious and deliberate attack on both the Ka‘ba and the sacred right of the Quraysh to man- age it. And because the religious and economic life of Mecca were inextricably linked any attack on one was necessarily an attack on the other. Certainly the shahadah contained an important theological inno- vation but that innovation was not monotheism. With this simple profession of faith Muhammad was declaring to Mecca that the God

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The Keeper of the Keys 45 of the heavens and the earth required no intermediaries whatsoever but could be accessed by anyone. Thus the idols in the sanctuary and indeed the sanctuary itself insofar as it served as a repository for the gods were utterly useless. And if the Ka‘ba was useless then there was no more reason for Mecca’s supremacy as either the religious or the economic center of the Hijaz. This message the Quraysh could not ignore especially with the pilgrimage season fast approaching. They tried everything to silence Muhammad and his Companions. They went to Abu T alib for help but the Shaykh of Hashim though he would never accept Muham- mad’s message himself refused to withdraw his protection from his nephew. They poured contempt on Muhammad and abused those of his Companions who did not have the good fortune of being pro- tected by a Shaykh. They even offered Muhammad all the freedom support power and money he wanted to continue his movement in peace so long as he ceased insulting their forefathers mocking their customs dividing their families and above all cursing the other gods in the sanctuary. But Muhammad refused and as the time came for the pilgrims to gather once again at Mecca with their prayers and their merchandise the anxiety of the Quraysh reached new heights. The Quraysh knew that Muhammad intended to stand at the Ka‘ba and deliver his message personally to the pilgrims gathering from all over the Peninsula. And while this might not have been the first time a preacher had condemned the Quraysh and their practices it was certainly the first time such condemnation was coming from a successful and well-known Qurayshi businessman—that is “one of their own.” Recognizing this as a threat that could not be tolerated the Quraysh embarked on a strategy to preempt Muhammad’s plan by sitting “on the paths which men take when they come to the fair” and warning everyone who passed that “a sorcerer who has brought a message by which he separates a man from his father or from his brother or from his wife or from his family” awaited them at the Ka‘ba and should be ignored. The Quraysh did not really believe that Muhammad was a sor- cerer they freely admitted that his recitations came with “no spitting and no knots” rituals that were apparently associated with sorcery. But they were absolutely earnest in their conviction that Muhammad

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46 No god but God was dividing the families of Mecca. Recall that in pre-Islamic Arabia a person’s social identity was derived solely from membership in the tribe which necessarily entailed taking part in all tribal activities especially those involving the tribal cult. However conversion to Muhammad’ s movement meant not only changing one’ s faith but also cutting oneself off from the activities of the tribe in essence remov- ing oneself from the tribe. This was a serious concern for the Quraysh whose chief com- plaint against Muhammad at least publicly was neither his call for social and financial reform nor his radical monotheism. Indeed as Richard Bell has noted in the whole of the Quran there exists not a single Qurayshi defense of polytheism that rests on the conviction of its truth. Rather as indicated by their warnings to the pilgrims the Quraysh seemed more disturbed with Muhammad’s insistent derision of the rituals and traditional values of their forefathers traditions upon which the social religious and economic foundation of the city rested than they were by his message of monotheism. Predictably however their warning to ignore “the sorcerer” stand- ing at the Ka‘ba only increased interest in Muhammad’s message so that by the time the pilgrimage cycle and the desert fairs were com- plete and the pilgrims had departed for their homes Muhammad— the man who had so frightened the untouchable Quraysh—was talked about throughout Arabia. After failing to silence Muhammad during the pilgrimage fair the Quraysh decided to take a page out of the Prophet’s book and attack Muhammad in the same way he had attacked them: economically. A boycott was placed not just on Muhammad and his Companions but in true tribal fashion on Muhammad’s entire clan. Henceforth no one in Mecca was allowed to marry into buy merchandise from or sell goods including food and water to any member of the Banu Hashim regardless of whether they were followers of Muhammad. The boycott was not an attempt by the Quraysh to starve the Com- panions out of Mecca it was merely a way of demonstrating the con- sequences of removing oneself from the tribe. If Muhammad and his Companions wished to be separated from the social and religious activities of Mecca then they must be prepared to be separated from

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The Keeper of the Keys 47 its economy. After all if religion and trade were inseparable in Mecca no one could so brazenly deny the former and still expect to partici- pate in the latter. As intended the boycott was devastating to the Companions most of whom including Muhammad were still making their living from trade. In fact the boycott was so destructive that it was protested by prominent members of the Quraysh who had rejected Muhammad but who could no longer bear to “eat food drink drink and wear clothes while the Banu Hashim were perishing.” After some months the boycott was lifted and the Banu Hashim were once again allowed to join in the commerce of the city. But just as he seemed to be regain- ing ground in Mecca tragedy struck Muhammad in the form of the nearly simultaneous deaths of his uncle and protector Abu T alib and his wife and confidante Khadija. The significance of losing Abu Talib is obvious: Muhammad could no longer rely on his uncle’s unwavering protection to keep him from harm. The new Shaykh of Banu Hashim Abu Lahab loathed Muhammad personally and made a formal withdrawal of his protec- tion. The results were immediate. Muhammad was openly abused on the streets of Mecca. He could no longer preach or pray in public. When he tried to do so one person poured dirt over his head and another threw a sheep’s uterus at him. The loss of Abu T alib may have placed Muhammad in a precari- ous situation but the death of Khadija left him absolutely devastated. She was after all not only his wife but also his support and comfort the person who had lifted him out of his poverty who had quite liter- ally saved his life. In a polygamous society in which both men and women were allowed an unlimited number of spouses Muhammad’s monogamous relationship with a woman fifteen years his elder was remarkable to say the least. Maxime Rodinson’s assertion that it is unlikely Muhammad would have felt any physical passion for Khadija given her age is both unsubstantiated and offensive. The loss of Abu Talib’s protection was certainly demoralizing if not detrimental to Muhammad’s physical security. But returning home after one of his painfully violent revelatory experiences or after suffering another indignity from the Quraysh—his head covered in dirt his tunic defiled with blood—and not having Khadija there to wrap him in her

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48 No god but God cloak and hold him in her arms until the terror subsided must have been an unimaginable sorrow for the Prophet. With the loss of both his physical and his emotional support Muhammad could no longer remain in Mecca. Some time earlier he had sent a small group of his followers—those without any form of protection in Meccan society—temporarily to Abyssinia partly to seek asylum from its Christian emperor or “Negus” partly in an attempt to ally himself with one of the Quraysh’s chief commercial rivals. But now Muhammad needed a permanent home where he and his Com- panions could be free from the unrestrained wrath of the Quraysh. He tried Mecca’s sister city Ta’if but its tribal leaders were not inclined to antagonize the Quraysh by giving refuge to their enemy. He visited the local fairs around Mecca—places where he must have been well known both as a merchant and as a troublemaker—but to no avail. Finally the answer came in the form of an invitation from a small clan called the Khazraj who lived in an agricultural oasis some two hundred fifty miles north of Mecca—a conglomeration of villages known collectively as Yathrib. Although Yathrib was a distant and totally foreign city Muhammad had no choice but to accept the invi- tation and prepare his Companions to do the unthinkable: abandon their tribe and their families for an uncertain future in a place where they would be without protection. The emigration to Yathrib occurred slowly and stealthily with the Companions heading out toward the oasis a few at a time. By the time the Quraysh realized what was happening only Muhammad Abu Bakr and Ali were left. Fearing that Muhammad was leaving Mecca to raise an army the various clan Shaykhs decided to choose one man from each family “a young powerful well-born aristocratic warrior” who would sneak into Muhammad’s house while he was asleep and simultaneously drive their swords into his body thereby placing the responsibility for his death upon everyone in the tribe. But when the assassins arrived at Muhammad’s house they found Ali asleep in his bed pretending to be the Prophet. Having learned about the attempt on his life the night before Muhammad and Abu Bakr had slipped out of the house through a window and fled the city. The Quraysh were furious. They offered a massive bounty of a hundred she-camels to anyone who could find Muhammad and bring

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The Keeper of the Keys 49 him back to Mecca. The unusually high reward attracted dozens of Bedouin tribesmen who combed the surrounding area night and day looking for the Prophet and his friend. Meanwhile Muhammad and Abu Bakr had taken cover in a cave not far from Mecca. For three days they hid from view waiting for the hunt to subside and the Bedouin to return to their camps. On the third night they carefully crept out of the cave and making sure no one was following mounted two camels brought to them by a sympa- thetic conspirator. They then quietly disappeared into the desert on their way to Yathrib. It is a wonder—some would say a miracle—that this same man who had been forced to sneak out of his home under cover of night to join the seventy or so followers anxiously awaiting him in a foreign land hundreds of miles away would in a few short years return to the city of his birth not covertly or in darkness but in the full light of day with ten thousand men trailing peacefully behind him and the same people who once tried to murder him in his sleep would in- stead offer up to him both the sacred city and the keys to the Ka‘ba— unconditionally and without a fight like a consecrated sacrifice.

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������ 3. The City of the Prophet THE FIRST MUSLIMS IN THE EVENING the sun in the desert is a glowing white orb set low in the sky. It dips into the horizon and its light is eclipsed by the dunes making them appear as heaving black swells in the distance. At the edge of Y athrib a hedge of lofty palm trees forms a boundary sepa- rating the oasis from the advancing desert. Here the small band of Companions wait—hands shading their eyes—staring out over the vast expanse for any sign of Muhammad. They’ve been standing at the edge of the desert for days and nights. What else can they do Many of them have no homes in Yathrib. Most of their possessions were left behind in Mecca. Their journey was not a grand exodus through the desert camels laden with goods. The Hijra as the migration from Mecca to Yathrib is known was a secret operation: daughters sneaking out of their fathers’ homes at night young men gathering whatever provi- sions they could carry on their backs for the arduous week-long jour-

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The City of the Prophet 51 ney through the barren wilderness. The few possessions they brought with them have become communal property and will not last. The problem is that the Companions—now more properly termed the Emigrants or Muhajirun literally “those who have made the Hijra”—are primarily traders and merchants but Yathrib is not a city built on trade Yathrib is not a city at all. It is a loose federation of villages inhabited by farmers and orchardists tillers of the earth. It is nothing like the bustling prosperous city the Emigrants left behind. Even if they could transform themselves from traders to farmers all the best agricultural lands in Yathrib are already occupied. How are they to survive here except on the charity and goodwill of the Ansar or “Helpers” that handful of Yathrib’s villagers who have also accepted Muhammad’s message and converted to his movement And what is to happen to them now that they have abandoned the protection of the Quraysh Will the most powerful tribe in Arabia simply allow them to leave Mecca without consequences Have they really chosen to cast off their homes their families their very identi- ties all at the command of an extraordinary but untested prophet who is now nowhere to be found Just before the sun vanishes two smoldering silhouettes are spot- ted in the desert lurching toward Yathrib. A cry spreads among the Emigrants: “The Messenger is here The Messenger has come” The men jump up and run out to meet Muhammad and Abu Bakr as they cross into the oasis. The women join hands and dance in circles around the two men their ululations rolling from house to house announcing the Prophet’s arrival. Muhammad parched and blistered from the journey sits back in his saddle and lets the reins of his camel hang loose. A crowd gathers offering food and water. A few of the Ansar struggle to grab hold of the camel’s reins and steer it toward their villages. They shout “Come O Messenger of God to a settlement which has many defenders and is well-provisioned and impregnable.” But Muhammad not wishing to ally himself with any particular clan in Yathrib refuses their offers. “Let go her reins” he commands. The crowd backs off and Muhammad’s camel staggers forward a few more steps. It circles an abandoned burial ground now used for

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52 No god but God drying dates then stops and kneels lowering its neck for the Prophet to dismount. Of the owners of the land Muhammad asks a price. “We do not want money for it” the owners reply. “Only the reward we shall receive from God.” Grateful for their generosity Muhammad orders the land to be leveled the graves dug up and the palm trees cut down for timber to build a modest home. He envisions a courtyard roofed in palm leaves with living quarters made of wood and mud lining the walls. But this will be more than a home. This converted drying-ground and ceme- tery will serve as the first masjid or mosque of a new kind of commu- nity one so revolutionary that many years later when Muslim scholars seek to establish a distinctly Islamic calendar they will begin not with the birth of the Prophet nor with the onset of Revelation but with the year Muhammad and his band of Emigrants came to this small federation of villages to start a new society. That year 622 C.E. will forever be known as Year 1 A.H. After Hijra and the oasis that for centuries had been called Yathrib will henceforth be celebrated as Medinat an-Nabi: “The City of the Prophet” or more simply Medina. There exists an enduring mythology about Muhammad’s time in the city that came to bear his name a mythology that has defined the reli- gion and politics of Islam for fifteen hundred years. For it is in Medina that the Muslim community was born and where Muhammad’s Arab social reform movement transformed into a universal religious ideology. “Muhammad in Medina” became the paradigm for the Muslim empires that expanded throughout the Middle East after the Prophet’s death and the standard that every Arab kingdom struggled to meet during the Middle Ages. The Medinan ideal inspired the various Islamic revivalist movements of the eighteenth and nineteenth cen- turies all of which strove to return to the original values of Muham- mad’ s unadulterated community as a means to wrest control of Muslim lands from colonial rule though they had radically different ideas about how to define those original values. And with the demise of colonialism in the twentieth century it was the memory of Medina that launched the Islamic state. T oday Medina is simultaneously the archetype of Islamic democ- racy and the impetus for Islamic militancy. Islamic Modernists like the

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�� The City of the Prophet 53 Egyptian writer and political philosopher Ali Abd ar-Raziq d. 1966 pointed to Muhammad’s community in Medina as proof that Islam advocated the separation of religious and temporal power while Mus- lim extremists in Afghanistan and Iran have used the same community to fashion various models of Muslim theocracy. In their struggle for equal rights Muslim feminists have consistently drawn inspiration from the legal reforms Muhammad instituted in Medina while at the same time Muslim traditionalists have construed those same legal reforms as grounds for maintaining the subjugation of women in Islamic soci- ety. For some Muhammad’s actions in Medina serve as the model for Muslim-Jewish relations for others they demonstrate the insurmount- able conflict that has always existed and will always exist between the two sons of Abraham. Y et regardless of whether one is labeled a Mod- ernist or a T raditionalist a reformist or a fundamentalist a feminist or a male chauvinist all Muslims regard Medina as the model of Islamic perfection. Put simply Medina is what Islam was meant to be. As with all mythologies of this magnitude it is often difficult to separate factual history from sacred history. Part of the problem is that the historical traditions dealing with Muhammad’s time in Me- dina were written hundreds of years after the Prophet’s death by Mus- lim historians who were keen to emphasize the universal recognition and immediate success of Muhammad’s divine mission. Remember that Muhammad’ s biographers were living at a time in which the Mus- lim community had already become an enormously powerful empire. As a result their accounts more often reflect the political and religious ideologies of ninth-century Damascus or eleventh-century Baghdad than of seventh-century Medina. So to understand what really happened in Medina and why one must sift through the sources to uncover not the holy city that would become the capital of the Muslim community but rather the remote desert oasis which nurtured and cultivated that community in its infancy. After all long before there was a “City of the Prophet” there was only Yathrib. YATHRIB IN THE seventh century was a thriving agricultural oasis thick with palm orchards and vast arable fields most of which were

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54 No god but God dominated by some twenty Jewish clans of varying sizes. Unlike the Jews who had settled throughout most of the Hijaz who were mostly immigrants from Palestine Yathrib’s Jews were primarily Arabs who had converted to Judaism. Apart from their religious designation as Jews little differentiated them from their pagan neighbors. Like all Arabs the Jews of Yathrib considered themselves first and foremost members of their own individual clans—each of which acted as a sov- ereign entity—rather than as a single community of Jews. And while a few Jewish clans may have had alliances with one another even these in no way constituted a united Jewish tribe. As the earliest settlers in the region the Jews occupied Yathrib’s most fertile agricultural lands called “the Heights” quickly becoming masters of Arabia’s most prized crop: dates. The Jews were also skilled jewelers clothiers arms makers and vintners Jewish wine was con- sidered the best in the Peninsula. But it was Yathrib’s dates coveted throughout the Hijaz that had made them rich. As a matter of fact five of the largest Jewish clans in the oasis—the Banu Thalabah the Banu Hadl the Banu Qurayza the Banu Nadir and the Banu Qaynuqa who also controlled the city’s sole market—enjoyed an almost com- plete monopoly over Yathrib’s economy. By the time a number of Bedouin tribes gave up their nomadic existence and also settled in Yathrib all the most fertile lands had already been claimed. What remained were the barely cultivable lots situated in a region termed “the Bottom.” The competition over lim- ited resources had not only created some conflict between the “pagan” and Jewish clans it had also resulted in a gradual decline of the Jews’ authority and influence in Yathrib. For the most part however the two groups lived in relative peace through strategic tribal affiliations and economic alliances. The Jews regularly employed the Arabs to transport their dates to nearby markets especially in Mecca while the Arabs maintained a high esteem for the learning craftsmanship and heritage of their Jewish neighbors who were in the words of the Arab chronicler al-Waqidi “a people of high lineage and of proper- ties whereas we were but an Arab tribe who did not possess any palm trees nor vineyards being people of only sheep and camels.” The real conflict in the oasis was not between the Jews and Arabs

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The City of the Prophet 55 but among the Arabs themselves and more specifically between Yathrib’s two largest Arab tribes: the Aws and the aforementioned Khazraj. While the origins of this conflict have been lost to history what seems clear is that the Law of Retribution the purpose of which was to deter precisely this kind of ongoing tribal conflict had failed to solve the long-standing quarrel. By the time Muhammad arrived in Yathrib what had probably begun as a disagreement over limited resources had escalated into a bloody feud which had spilled over even to the Jewish clans with the Banu Nadir and the Banu Qurayza sup- porting the Aws and the Banu Qaynuqa siding with the Khazraj. In short this conflict was splitting the oasis in two. What the Aws and the Khazraj desperately needed was a Hakam. Not just any Hakam but an authoritative trustworthy and neutral party who was totally unconnected with anyone in Yathrib someone who had the power—better yet the divine authority—to arbitrate between the two tribes. How fortunate then that the perfect man for the job was himself in desperate need of a place to live. That Muhammad came to Yathrib as little more than the Hakam in the quarrel between the Aws and the Khazraj is certain. And yet the traditions seem to present Muhammad arriving in the oasis as the mighty prophet of a new and firmly established religion and as the un- challenged leader of the whole of Yathrib. This view is partly the re- sult of a famous document called the Constitution of Medina which Muhammad may have drafted some time after settling in the oasis. This document—often celebrated as the world’s first written constitu- tion—was a series of formal agreements of nonaggression among Muhammad the Emigrants the Ansar and the rest of Yathrib’s clans both Jewish and pagan. The Constitution is controversial however because it seems to assign to Muhammad unparalleled religious and political authority over the entire population of the oasis including the Jews. It indicates that Muhammad had sole authority to arbitrate all disputes in Yathrib not just that between the Aws and Khazraj. It declares him to be Yathrib’s sole war leader Qa‘id and unequivocally recognizes him as the Messenger of God. And while it implies that Muhammad’s

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56 No god but God primary role was as “Shaykh” of his “clan” of Emigrants it also clearly endows him with a privileged position over all other tribal and clan Shaykhs in Yathrib. The problem lies in determining exactly when the Constitution of Medina was written. The traditional sources including al-T abari and Ibn Hisham place its composition among the Prophet’ s first acts upon entering the oasis: that is in 622 C.E. But that is highly unlikely given Muhammad’ s weak position during those first few years in Y athrib. He was after all forced to flee Mecca and hunted throughout the Hijaz like a criminal. And as Michael Lecker has shown it was not until after the Battle of Badr in 624 an event that will be discussed in the following chapter and perhaps not even until 627 that the majority of the Aws tribe converted to Islam. Before then few people outside the Ansar which at that point consisted of only a handful of members of the Khazraj would have known who Muhammad was let alone have submitted to his authority. His movement represented the tiniest frac- tion of Yathrib’s population the Jews alone may have totaled in the thousands. When Muhammad arrived in the oasis he had brought fewer than a hundred men women and children with him. The Constitution of Medina may reflect several early pacts of nonaggression among Muhammad the Arab clans and their Jewish clients. It may even reproduce certain elements of Muhammad’s arbi- tration between the Aws and the Khazraj. But there is simply no way it could have been completed as it has been preserved before 624 C.E. Only after Badr could Muhammad have dreamed of the powers attrib- uted to him by the Constitution of Medina indeed only after Badr could Yathrib even be thought of as Medina. Muhammad’s role during those first couple of years in Yathrib was very likely that of a Hakam—albeit a powerful and divinely inspired one—whose arbitration was restricted to the Aws and Khazraj and whose authority as a Shaykh was confined to his own “clan” of Emi- grants: one clan out of many one Shaykh out of many. Muhammad’s claim to be the Messenger of God would not have had to be either accepted or rejected for him to function properly in either of these two roles. Both the pagan Arabs and the Jews of Yathrib would have considered his prophetic consciousness to be proof of his supernatural wisdom especially since the ideal Hakam was almost always also the

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The City of the Prophet 57 Kahin whose connection to the Divine was indispensable in espe- cially difficult disputes like the one between the Aws and Khazraj. Yet while the other inhabitants of Yathrib may have viewed Muhammad as little more than a Hakam and a Shaykh that was not at all how the Emigrants saw him. To his small band of followers Muhammad was the Prophet /Lawgiver who spoke with the authority of the one God. As such he had come to Yathrib to establish a new kind of socioreligious community though how that community was to be organized and who could be considered a member of it had yet to be defined. It may be tempting to call the members of this new community Muslims literally “those who submit” to God. But there is no reason to believe that this term was used to designate a distinct religious movement until many years later perhaps not until the end of Muhammad’s life. It would perhaps be more accurate to refer to Muhammad’ s followers by the same term the Quran uses: the Ummah. The problem with this term however is that no one is certain what it meant or where it came from. It may be derived from Arabic Hebrew or Aramaic it may have meant “a community” “a nation” or “a peo- ple.” A few scholars have suggested that Ummah may be derived from the Arabic word for “mother” umm and while this idea may be aes- thetically pleasing there is no linguistic evidence for it. T o make mat- ters more complicated the word Ummah inexplicably ceases to be used in the Quran after 625 C.E. when as Montgomery Watt has noted it is replaced with the word qawm—Arabic for “tribe.” But there may be something to this change in terms. Despite its ingenuity Muhammad’ s community was still an Arab institution based on Arab notions of tribal society. There was simply no alternative model of social organization in seventh-century Arabia save for monarchy. Indeed there are so many parallels between the early Mus- lim community and traditional tribal societies that one is left with the distinct impression that at least in Muhammad’s mind the Ummah was indeed a tribe though a new and radically innovative one. For one thing the reference in the Constitution of Medina to Muhammad’s role as Shaykh of his clan of Emigrants indicates that despite the Prophet’s elevated status his secular authority would have fallen well within the traditional paradigm of pre-Islamic tribal

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58 No god but God society. What is more just as membership in the tribe obliged partici- pation in the rituals and activities of the tribal cult so did membership in Muhammad’s community require ritual involvement in what could be termed its “tribal cult”: in this case the nascent religion of Islam. Public rituals like communal prayer almsgiving and collective fast- ing—the first three activities mandated by God—when combined with shared dietary regulations and purity requirements functioned in the Ummah in much the same way that the activities of the tribal cult did in pagan societies: by providing a common social and reli- gious identity that allowed one group to distinguish itself from another. What made the Ummah a unique experiment in social organiza- tion was that in Yathrib far away from the social and religious hege- mony of the Quraysh Muhammad finally had the opportunity to implement the reforms he had been preaching to no avail in Mecca. By enacting a series of radical religious social and economic reforms he was able to establish a new kind of society the likes of which had never before been seen in Arabia. For instance whereas power in the tribe was allocated to a num- ber of figures none of whom had any real executive authority Muhammad instead united all the pre-Islamic positions of authority unto himself. He was not only the Shaykh of his community but also its Hakam its Qa‘id and as the only legitimate connection to the Divine its Kahin. His authority as Prophet/Lawgiver was absolute. Also while the only way to become a member of a tribe was to be born into it anyone could join Muhammad’s community simply by declaring “There is no god but God and Muhammad is God’s Mes- senger.” The shahadah was thus transformed in Yathrib from a theo- logical statement with explicit social and political implications into a new version of the oath of allegiance the bay’ah which the tribe gave to its Shaykh. And because neither ethnicity nor culture nor race nor kinship had any significance to Muhammad the Ummah unlike a tra- ditional tribe had an almost unlimited capacity for growth through conversion. The point is that one can refer to Muhammad’s community in Yathrib as the Ummah but only insofar as that term is understood to designate what the Orientalist explorer Bertram Thomas has called a

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The City of the Prophet 59 “super-tribe” or what the historian Marshall Hodgson more accu- rately describes as a “neo-tribe”: that is a radically new kind of social organization but one that was nonetheless based on the traditional Arab tribal paradigm. As was the case with all tribal Shaykhs Muhammad’ s primary function as head of the Ummah was to ensure the protection of every member in his community. This he did through the chief means at his disposal: the Law of Retribution. But while retribution was maintained as a legitimate response to injury Muhammad urged believers toward for- giveness: “The retribution for an injury is an equal injury” the Quran states “but those who forgive the injury and make reconciliation will be rewarded by God” 42:40. Likewise the Constitution of Medina sanctions retribution as the principal deterrent for crime but with the unprecedented stipulation that the entire community may be “solidly against the criminal and may do nothing except oppose him” a stark reversal of tribal tradition and a clear indication that Muham- mad was already beginning to lay the foundations of a society built on moral rather than utilitarian principles. But this was only the begin- ning. T o further his egalitarian ideals Muhammad equalized the blood- worth of every member of his community so that no longer could one life be considered more or less valuable pecuniarily speaking than another. This was yet another innovation in the Arabian legal system for while an injury to a victim’s eye in pre-Islamic Arabia would have required an equal injury to the criminal’s eye no one would have con- sidered a Shaykh’s eye to be worth the same amount as an orphan’s. But Muhammad changed all that and not without seriously disrupt- ing the social order. The traditions recount a particularly amusing story about an aristocratic tribesman named Jabalah ibn al-Ayham who was struck in the face by a humble man from the Muzaynah a modest tribe in Arabia. Expecting that a stern penalty would be imposed on the lowly offender—one that would signify his inferior status in society—al-Ayham was shocked to learn that all he could expect as retribution was the opportunity to strike the humble man back. So outraged was he by this “injustice” that al-Ayham immedi- ately abandoned Islam and became a Christian.

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60 No god but God Nor did Muhammad’s move toward egalitarianism end with reforming the Law of Retribution. In Yathrib he categorically out- lawed usury the abuse of which was one of his chief complaints against the Meccan religio-economic system. To facilitate the new economy he established his own market which unlike the one con- trolled by the Banu Qaynuqa charged no tax on transactions and no interest on loans. While this tax-free market eventually became a point of conflict between Muhammad and the Banu Qaynuqa the Prophet’s move was not a means of antagonizing the Qaynuqa but a further step toward alleviating the divide between the ridiculously wealthy and the absurdly poor. Using his unquestioned religious authority Muhammad insti- tuted a mandatory tithe called zakat which every member of the Ummah had to pay according to his or her means. Once collected the money was then redistributed as alms to the community’s neediest members. Zakat literally means “purification” and was not an act of charity but of religious devotion: benevolence and care for the poor were the first and most enduring virtues preached by Muhammad in Mecca. Piety the Quran reminds believers lies “not in turning your face East or West in prayer . . . but in distributing your wealth out of love for God to your needy kin to the orphans to the vagrants and to the mendicants it lies in freeing the slaves in observing your devo- tions and in giving alms to the poor” 2:177. Perhaps nowhere was Muhammad’s struggle for economic redis- tribution and social egalitarianism more evident than in the rights and privileges he bestowed upon the women in his community. Beginning with the unbiblical conviction that men and women were created together and simultaneously from a single cell 4:1 7:189 the Quran goes to great lengths to emphasize the equality of the sexes in the eyes of God: God offers forgiveness and a great reward For men who surrender to Him and women who surrender to Him For men who believe and women who believe For men who obey and women who obey For men who speak truth and women who speak truth

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The City of the Prophet 61 For men who persevere and women who persevere For men who are humble and women who are humble For men who give alms and women who give alms For men who fast and women who fast For men who are modest and women who are modest For men who remember God and women who remember God. 33:35 At the same time the Quran acknowledges that men and women have distinct and separate roles in society it would have been preposterous to claim otherwise in seventh-century Arabia. Thus “men are to take care of women because God has given them greater strength and because men use their wealth to provide for them” 4:34. With a few notable exceptions like Khadija women in pre- Islamic Arabia could neither own property nor inherit it from their husbands. Actually a wife was herself considered property and both she and her dowry would be inherited by the male heir of her de- ceased husband. If the male heir was uninterested in the widow he could hand her over to his kin—a brother or a nephew—who could then marry her and take control of her dead husband’s property. But if she was too old to marry again or if no one was interested in her she and her dowry would revert to the clan. The same was true for all female orphans as well as those male orphans who like Muhammad when his parents died were considered too young to inherit property from their fathers. However Muhammad—who had benefited greatly from the wealth and stability provided by Khadija—strove to give women the opportunity to attain some level of equality and independence in soci- ety by amending Arabia’s traditional marriage and inheritance laws in order to remove the obstacles that prohibited women from inheriting and maintaining their own wealth. While the exact changes Muham- mad made to this tradition are far too complex to discuss in detail here it is sufficient to note that women in the Ummah were for the first time given the right both to inherit the property of their hus- bands and to keep their dowries as their own personal property throughout their marriage. Muhammad also forbade a husband to touch his wife’s dowry forcing him instead to provide for his family

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62 No god but God from his own wealth. If the husband died his wife would inherit a por- tion of his property if he divorced her the entire dowry was hers to take back to her family. As one would expect Muhammad’s innovations did not sit well with the male members of his community. If women could no longer be considered property men complained not only would their wealth be drastically reduced but their own meager inheritances would now have to be split with their sisters and daughters—members of the community who they argued did not share an equal burden with the men. Al-T abari recounts how some of these men brought their griev- ances to Muhammad asking “How can one give the right of inheri- tance to women and children who do not work and do not earn their living Are they now going to inherit just like men who have worked to earn that money” Muhammad’s response to these complaints was both unsympa- thetic and shockingly unyielding. “Those who disobey God and His Messenger and who try to overstep the boundaries of this inheri- tance law will be thrown into Hell where they will dwell forever suf- fering the most shameful punishment” 4:14. If Muhammad’s male followers were disgruntled about the new inheritance laws they must have been furious when in a single revo- lutionary move he both limited how many wives a man could marry and granted women the right to divorce their husbands. In some ways pre-Islamic Arabian custom was extraordinarily lax when it came to both marriage and divorce. In Bedouin societies both men and women practiced polygamy and both had recourse to divorce: men simply by making a statement such as “I divorce you” and women—who remained with their father’s family during mar- riage—by turning their tent around so that its entrance would no longer be available to the husband when he came for a “visit.” Because paternity was unimportant in Bedouin societies lineage was passed primarily through the mother it made no difference how many hus- bands a woman had or who fathered her children. However in seden- tary societies like Mecca where the accumulation of wealth made inheritance and therefore paternity much more important matrilin- eal society had gradually given way to a patrilineal one. As a result of this trend toward patriliny women in sedentary societies were gradu-

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The City of the Prophet 63 ally stripped of both their right to divorce and their access to poly- andry the practice of having more than one husband. Although Muhammad’s views on marriage seem far more influ- enced by Jewish tradition than by the traditions of pre-Islamic Arabia he was still a product of Meccan society. So while he limited the rights of men to divorce their wives—forcing upon them a three-month rec- onciliation period before the statement of divorce could take effect— and while he provided women with the right to divorce their husbands if they feared “cruelty or ill-treatment” 4:128 he nonetheless con- solidated the move toward a patrilineal society by putting a definitive end to all polyandrous unions. Never again could a Muslim woman have more than one husband. Whether a Muslim man may have more than one wife polygyny however remains a contested issue to this day. On the one hand Muhammad clearly accepted polygyny within limits as necessary for the survival of the Ummah especially after war with the Quraysh resulted in hundreds of widows and orphans who had to be provided for and protected by the community. “Marry those women who are lawful for you up to two three or four” the Quran states “but only if you can treat them all equally” 4:3 emphasis added. On the other hand the Quran makes it clear that monogamy is the preferred model of marriage when it asserts that “no matter how you try you will never be able to treat your wives equally” 4:129 again emphasis added. This seeming contradiction offers some insight into a dilemma that plagued the community during its early development. Essentially while the individual believer was to strive for monogamy the community that Muhammad was trying to build in Yathrib would have been doomed without polygyny. For the vast majority of Muslims throughout the world there is little doubt that the two verses cited above when combined and con- sidered in their historical context should be interpreted as rejecting polygamy in all its forms. And yet there are still those Muslims espe- cially in tribal societies like Saudi Arabia and Afghanistan who justify their polygynous marriages not necessarily by referring to the Quran but by pointing to the example set by Muhammad for whom neither the limitations on polygyny nor the preference for monogamy had any bearing.

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64 No god but God After having lived a monogamous life with Khadija for more than twenty-five years Muhammad in the course of ten years in Yathrib married nine different women. However with very few exceptions these marriages were not sexual unions but political ones. This is not to say that Muhammad was uninterested in sex on the contrary the traditions present him as a man with a robust and healthy libido. But as Shaykh of the Ummah it was Muhammad’s responsibility to forge links within and beyond his community through the only means at his disposal: marriage. Thus his unions with Aisha and Hafsah linked him to the two most important and influential leaders of the early Muslim community—to Abu Bakr and Umar respectively. His mar- riage to Umm Salamah a year later forged an important relationship with one of Mecca’s most powerful clans the Makhzum. His union with Sawdah—by all accounts an unattractive widow long past the age of marriage—served as an example to the Ummah to marry those women in need of financial support. His marriage to Rayhana a Jew linked him with the Banu Qurayza while his marriage to Mariyah a Christian and a Copt created a significant political alliance with the ruler of Egypt. Nevertheless for fifteen hundred years—from the medieval Popes of the Crusades to the Enlightenment philosophers of Europe to evangelical preachers in the United States—Muhammad’s wives have been the source of numerous lurid attacks against the Prophet and the religion of Islam. In response contemporary scholars—Muslim and non-Muslim alike—have done considerable work to defend Muham- mad’s marriages especially his union with Aisha who was nine years old when betrothed to the Prophet. While these scholars should be commended for their work in debunking the bigoted and ignorant critiques of anti-Islamic preachers and pundits the fact is that Mu- hammad needs no defense on this point. Like the great Jewish patriarchs Abraham and Jacob like the prophets Moses and Hosea like the Israelite kings Saul David and Solomon and like nearly all of the Christian/Byzantine and Zoroastrian/ Sasanian monarchs all Shaykhs in Arabia—Muhammad included— had either multiple wives multiple concubines or both. In seventh- century Arabia a Shaykh’s power and authority was in large part determined by the size of his harem. And while Muhammad’s union

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The City of the Prophet 65 with a nine-year-old girl may be shocking to our modern sensibilities his betrothal to Aisha was just that: a betrothal. Aisha did not consum- mate her marriage to Muhammad until after reaching puberty which is when every girl in Arabia without exception became eligible for mar- riage. The most shocking aspect of Muhammad’ s marriages is not his ten years of polygamy in Y athrib but his twenty-five years of monogamy in Mecca something practically unheard of at the time. Indeed if there is anything at all interesting or unusual about Muhammad’s marriages it is not how many wives he had but rather the regulations that were imposed on them specifically with regard to the veil. Although long seen as the most distinctive emblem of Islam the veil is surprisingly not enjoined upon Muslim women anywhere in the Quran. The tradition of veiling and seclusion known together as hijab was introduced into Arabia long before Muhammad primarily through Arab contacts with Syria and Iran where the hijab was a sign of social status. After all only a woman who need not work in the fields could afford to remain secluded and veiled. In the Ummah there was no tradition of veiling until around 627 C.E. when the so-called “verse of hijab” suddenly descended upon the community. That verse however was addressed not to women in general but exclusively to Muhammad’s wives: “Believers do not enter the Prophet’s house . . . unless asked. And if you are invited... do not linger. And when you ask something from the Prophet’s wives do so from behind a hijab. This will assure the purity of your hearts as well as theirs” 33:53. This restriction makes perfect sense when one recalls that Muhammad’s house was also the community’s mosque: the center of religious and social life in the Ummah. People were constantly com- ing in and out of this compound at all hours of the day. When delega- tions from other tribes came to speak with Muhammad they would set up their tents for days at a time inside the open courtyard just a few feet away from the apartments in which Muhammad’s wives slept. And new emigrants who arrived in Y athrib would often stay within the mosque’s walls until they could find suitable homes. When Muhammad was little more than a tribal Shaykh this con- stant commotion could be tolerated. But by the year 627 when he had

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�� 66 No god but God become the supremely powerful leader of an increasingly expanding community some kind of segregation had to be enforced to maintain the inviolability of his wives. Thus the tradition borrowed from the upper classes of Iranian and Syrian women of veiling and secluding the most important women in society from the peering eyes of every- one else. That the veil applied solely to Muhammad’s wives is further demonstrated by the fact that the term for donning the veil darabat al-hijab was used synonymously and interchangeably with “becoming Muhammad’s wife.” For this reason during the Prophet’s lifetime no other women in the Ummah observed hijab. Of course modesty was enjoined on all believers and women in particular were instructed to “draw their clothes around them a little to be recognized as believers and so that no harm will come to them” 33:60. More specifically women should “guard their private parts ...and drape a cover khamr over their breasts” when in the presence of strange men 24:31–32. But as Leila Ahmed observes nowhere in the whole of the Quran is the term hijab applied to any woman other than the wives of Muhammad. It is difficult to say with certainty when the veil was adopted by the rest of the Ummah though it was most likely long after Muhammad’s death. Muslim women probably began wearing the veil as a way to emulate the Prophet’s wives who were revered as “the Mothers of the Ummah.” But the veil was neither compulsory nor for that matter widely adopted until generations after Muhammad’s death when a large body of male scriptural and legal scholars began using their reli- gious and political authority to regain the dominance they had lost in society as a result of the Prophet’s egalitarian reforms. T HE ERA IMMEDIATELY following Muhammad’s death was as will become evident a tumultuous time for the Muslim community. The Ummah was growing and expanding in wealth and power at an astounding rate. A mere fifty years after his death the tiny community that Muhammad had founded in Yathrib burst out of the Arabian Peninsula and swallowed whole the massive Sasanian Empire of Iran. Fifty years after that it had secured most of northwest India absorbed

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The City of the Prophet 67 all of North Africa and reduced the Christian Byzantine Empire to little more than a deteriorating regional power. Fifty years after that Islam had pushed its way deep into Europe through Spain and south- ern France. As Muhammad’s small community of Arab followers swelled into the largest empire in the world it faced a growing number of legal and religious challenges that were not explicitly dealt with in the Quran. While Muhammad was still in their midst these questions could sim- ply be brought to him. But without the Prophet it became progres- sively more difficult to ascertain God’s will on issues that far exceeded the knowledge and experiences of a group of Hijazi tribesmen. At first the Ummah naturally turned to the early Companions for guidance and leadership. As the first generation of Muslims—the peo- ple who had walked and talked with the Prophet—the Companions had the authority to make legal and spiritual decisions by virtue of their direct knowledge of Muhammad’s life and teachings. They were the living repositories of the hadith: oral anecdotes recalling the words and deeds of Muhammad. The hadith insofar as they addressed issues not dealt with in the Quran would become an indispensable tool in the formation of Islamic law. However in their earliest stages the hadith were mud- dled and totally unregulated making their authentication almost impossible. Worse as the first generation of Companions passed on the community had to rely increasingly on the reports that the second generation of Muslims known as the T abiun had received from the first when the second generation died the community was yet another step removed from the actual words and deeds of the Prophet. Thus with each successive generation the “chain of transmis- sion” or isnad that was supposed to authenticate the hadith grew longer and more convoluted so that in less than two centuries after Muhammad’ s death there were already some seven hundred thousand hadith being circulated throughout the Muslim lands the great majority of which were unquestionably fabricated by individuals who sought to legitimize their own particular beliefs and practices by con- necting them with the Prophet. After a few generations almost any- thing could be given the status of hadith if one simply claimed to trace its transmission back to Muhammad. In fact the Hungarian scholar

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68 No god but God Ignaz Goldziher has documented numerous hadith the transmitters of which claimed were derived from Muhammad but which were in real- ity verses from the T orah and Gospels bits of rabbinic sayings ancient Persian maxims passages of Greek philosophy Indian proverbs and even an almost word-for-word reproduction of the Lord’s Prayer. By the ninth century when Islamic law was being fashioned there were so many false hadith circulating through the community that Muslim legal scholars somewhat whimsically classified them into two cate- gories: lies told for material gain and lies told for ideological advantage. In the ninth and tenth centuries a concerted effort was made to sift through the massive accumulation of hadith in order to separate the reliable from the rest. Nevertheless for hundreds of years anyone who had the power and wealth necessary to influence public opinion on a particular issue—and who wanted to justify his own ideas about say the role of women in society—had only to refer to a hadith which he had heard from someone who had heard it from someone else who had heard it from a Companion who had heard it from the Prophet. It would be no exaggeration therefore to say that quite soon after Muhammad’s death those men who took upon themselves the task of interpreting God’s will in the Quran and Muhammad’s will in the hadith—men who were coincidentally among the most powerful and wealthy members of the Ummah—were not nearly as concerned with the accuracy of their reports or the objectivity of their exegesis as they were with regaining the financial and social dominance that the Prophet’s reforms had taken from them. As Fatima Mernissi notes one must always remember that behind every hadith lies the entrenched power struggles and conflicting interests that one would expect in a society “in which social mobility and geographical expansion were the order of the day.” Thus when the Quran warned believers not to “pass on your wealth and property to the feeble-minded sufaha” the early Quranic commentators—all of them male—declared despite the Quran’s warnings on the subject that “the sufaha are women and children . . . and both of them must be excluded from inheritance” emphasis added. When a wealthy and notable merchant from Basra named Abu Bakra not to be confused with Abu Bakr claimed twenty-five years

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The City of the Prophet 69 after Muhammad’s death that he once heard the Prophet say “Those who entrust their affairs to a woman will never know prosperity” his authority as a Companion was unquestioned. When Ibn Maja reported in his collection of hadith that the Prophet in answer to a question about the rights a wife has over her husband replied rather incredibly that her only right was to be given food “when you yourself have taken your food” and clothed “when you have clothed yourself” his opinion though thoroughly against the demands of the Quran went uncontested. When Abu Said al-Khudri swore he had heard the Prophet tell a group of women “I have not seen anyone more deficient in intelli- gence and religion than you” his memory was unchallenged despite the fact that Muhammad’s biographers present him as repeatedly ask- ing for and following the advice of his wives even in military matters. And finally when the celebrated Quranic commentator Fakhr ad- Din ar-Razi 1149–1209 interpreted the verse “God created spouses for you of your own kind so that you may have peace of mind through them” 3:21 as “proof that women were created like animals and plants and other useful things and not for worship and carrying the Divine commands ...because the woman is weak silly and in one sense like a child” his commentary became and still is one of the most widely respected in the Muslim world. This last point bears repeating. The fact is that for fifteen centuries the science of Quranic commentary has been the exclusive domain of Muslim men. And because each one of these exegetes inevitably brings to the Quran his own ideology and his own preconceived notions it should not be surprising to learn that certain verses have most often been read in their most misogynist interpretation. Consider for example how the following verse 4:34 regarding the obligations of men toward women has been rendered into English by two different but widely read contemporary translators of the Quran. The first is from the Princeton edition translated by Ahmed Ali the second is from Majid Fakhry’s translation published by New Y ork University: Men are the support of women qawwamuna ‘ala an-nisa as God gives some more means than others and because they spend of their

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70 No god but God wealth to provide for them. . . . As for women you feel are averse talk to them suasively then leave them alone in bed without molesting them and go to bed with them when they are willing. Men are in charge of women because Allah has made some of them excel the others and because they spend some of their wealth. . . . And for those women that you fear might rebel admonish them and abandon them in their beds and beat them adribuhunna. Because of the variability of the Arabic language both of these translations are grammatically syntactically and definitionally cor- rect. The phrase qawwamuna ‘ala an-nisa can be understood as “watch over” “protect” “support” “attend to” “look after” or “be in charge of ” women. The final word in the verse adribuhunna which Fakhry has rendered as “beat them” can equally mean “turn away from them” “go along with them” and remarkably even “have consensual intercourse with them.” If religion is indeed interpretation then which meaning one chooses to accept and follow depends on what one is trying to extract from the text: if one views the Quran as empower- ing women then Ali’s if one looks to the Quran to justify violence against women then Fakhry’s. Throughout Islamic history there have been a number of women who have struggled to maintain their authority as both preservers of the hadith and interpreters of the Quran. Karima bint Ahmad d. 1069 and Fatima bint Ali d. 1087 for example are regarded as two of the most important transmitters of the Prophet’s traditions while Zaynab bint al-Sha’ri d. 1220 and Daqiqa bint Murshid d. 1345 both tex- tual scholars occupied an eminent place in early Islamic scholarship. And it is hard to ignore the fact that nearly one sixth of all “reliable” hadith can be traced back to Muhammad’s wife Aisha. However these women celebrated as they are were no match for the indisputable authority of early Companions like Umar the young brash member of the Quraysh élite whose conversion to Islam had always been a particular source of pride to Muhammad. The Prophet had always admired Umar not just for his physical prowess as a war- rior but for his impeccable moral virtue and the zeal with which he approached his devotion to God. In many ways Umar was a simple

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�� The City of the Prophet 71 dignified and devout man. But he also had a fiery temper and was prone to anger and violence especially toward women. So infamous was he for his misogynist attitude that when he asked for the hand of Aisha’s sister he was flatly rebuffed because of his rough behavior toward women. Umar’s misogynist tendencies were apparent from the moment he ascended to the leadership of the Muslim community. He tried unsuccessfully to confine women to their homes and wanted to pre- vent them from attending worship at the mosque. He instituted segre- gated prayers and in direct violation of the Prophet’s example forced women to be taught by male religious leaders. Incredibly he forbade Muhammad’s widows to perform the pilgrimage rites and instituted a series of severe penal ordinances aimed primarily at women. Chief among these was the stoning to death of adulterers a punishment which has absolutely no foundation whatsoever in the Quran but which Umar justified by claiming it had originally been part of the Revelation and had somehow been left out of the authorized text. Of course Umar never explained how it was possible for a verse such as this “accidentally” to have been left out of the Divine Revelation of God but then again he didn’t have to. It was enough that he spoke with the authority of the Prophet. There is no question that the Quran like all holy scriptures was deeply affected by the cultural norms of the society in which it was revealed—a society that as we have seen did not consider women to be equal members of the tribe. As a result there are numerous verses in the Quran that along with the Jewish and Christian scrip- tures clearly reflect the subordinate position of women in the male- dominated societies of the ancient world. But that is precisely the point which the burgeoning Muslim feminist movement has been making over the last century. These women argue that the religious message of the Quran—a message of revolutionary social egalitari- anism—must be separated from the cultural prejudices of seventh- century Arabia. And for the first time in history they are being given the international audience necessary to incorporate their views into the male-dominated world of Quranic exegesis.

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72 No god but God O N INTERNATIONAL WOMEN’ S Day in 1998 many in the Western world were stunned to hear Masoumeh Ebtekar at the time Iran’s vice president of environmental affairs and the highest-ranking woman in the Iranian government present an opening address in which she lashed out against Afghanistan’s Taliban régime and their horrific human rights violations against women. Although this was some years before the T aliban became a household name in the West what most shocked the international audience was that Ms. Ebtekar delivered her vehement condemnation of the Taliban—a fundamen- talist régime that forced its women into veiling and seclusion—while she herself was fully clad in a traditional black chador that covered every inch of her body save for the flushed features of her impassioned face. Around the same time that Ms. Ebtekar was censuring the reli- giously inspired misogyny of the T aliban the Turkish parliament was in an uproar over the decision of a newly elected representative Merve Kavakci to take the oath of office while wearing a headscarf. Ms. Kavakci was angrily denounced by her fellow members some of whom shouted obscenities at her from the floor of parliament. Although she had made no political or religious statements whatsoever Turkey’s president at the time Suleyman Demirel accused her of being a for- eign spy and an agent provocateur. For the simple act of displaying her faith Ms. Kavakci was not only dismissed from her position as a demo- cratically elected member of parliament but in an act of profound symbolism she was stripped of her T urkish citizenship. It may seem incongruous that a conservative Muslim country like Iran—in which some manner of veiling is mandatory for all adult women—boasts one of the most robust and politically active women’s movements in the Muslim world while at the same time a secular democracy like Turkey—in which the veil is expressly outlawed in much of the public sector—routinely deprives veiled women of their rights to government employment and higher education. But to understand what is behind this seeming incongruity one must con- sider the conflicting ways in which the veil has been defined through- out history by those who have never worn it. For European colonialists like Alfred Lord Cromer the British consul general to Egypt at the end of the nineteenth century the veil

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The City of the Prophet 73 was a symbol of the “degradation of women” and definitive proof that “Islam as a social system has been a complete failure.” Never mind that Cromer was the founder of the Men’s League for Opposing Women’s Suffrage in England. As the quintessential colonialist Cromer had no interest in the plight of Muslim women the veil was for him an icon of the “backwardness of Islam” and the most visible justification for Europe’s “civilizing mission” in the Middle East. For liberal Muslim reformists such as the distinguished Iranian political philosopher Ali Shariati 1933–77 the veil was the symbol of female chastity piety and most of all empowered defiance against the Western image of womanhood. In his celebrated book Fatima Is Fatima Shariati held up the Prophet Muhammad’s virtuous daughter as an example for Muslim women to “reach towards the glory and beauty of humanity and to put aside the old and new feelings of infe- riority humility and baseness.” Yet enlightened as his approach may have been it was still tragically flawed by the fact that like Cromer Shariati was describing something of which he had no experience. The fact is that the traditional colonial image of the veiled Mus- lim woman as the sheltered docile sexual property of her husband is just as misleading and simpleminded as the postmodernist image of the veil as the emblem of female freedom and empowerment from Western cultural hegemony. The veil may be neither or both of these things but that is up to Muslim women to decide for themselves. This they are finally doing by taking part in something that has been denied them for centuries: their own Quranic exegesis. T oday throughout the Muslim world a whole new generation of contemporary female textual scholars is reengaging the Quran from a perspective that has been sorely lacking in Islamic scholarship. Begin- ning with the notion that it is not the moral teachings of Islam but the social conditions of seventh-century Arabia and the rampant misogyny of male Quranic exegetes that has been responsible for their inferior status in Muslim society these women are approaching the Quran free from the confines of traditional gender boundaries. Amina Wadud’s instructive book Quran and Woman: Rereading the Sacred Text from a Woman’s Perspective provides the template for this movement though Wadud is by no means alone in her endeavor. Muslim feminists throughout the world have been laboring toward a

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74 No god but God more gender-neutral interpretation of the Quran and a more balanced application of Islamic law while at the same time struggling to inject their political and religious views into the male-dominated conserva- tive societies in which they live. Muslim feminists do not perceive their cause as a mere social reform movement they consider it a reli- gious obligation. As Shirin Ebadi proudly declared while accepting the 2003 Nobel Peace Prize for her tireless work in defending the rights of women in Iran “God created us all as equals. . . . By fighting for equal status we are doing what God wants us to do.” The so-called Muslim women’s movement is predicated on the idea that Muslim men not Islam have been responsible for the sup- pression of women’s rights. For this reason Muslim feminists throughout the world are advocating a return to the society Muham- mad originally envisioned for his followers. Despite differences in cul- ture nationalities and beliefs these women believe that the lesson to be learned from Muhammad in Medina is that Islam is above all an egalitarian religion. Their Medina is a society in which Muhammad designated women like Umm Waraqa as spiritual guides for the Ummah in which the Prophet himself was sometimes publicly rebuked by his wives in which women prayed and fought alongside the men in which women like Aisha and Umm Salamah acted not only as religious but also as political—and on at least one occasion military—leaders and in which the call to gather for prayer bellowed from the rooftop of Muhammad’s house brought men and women together to kneel side by side and be blessed as a single undivided community. Indeed so successful was this revolutionary experiment in social egalitarianism that from 622 to 624 C.E. the Ummah multiplied rap- idly both from the addition of new Ansar and from the influx of new Emigrants eager to join in what was taking place in the City of the Prophet. Though in truth this was still only Yathrib. It could not properly be called Medina until after Muhammad turned his attention away from his egalitarian reforms and back toward the sacred city of Mecca and the powerful tribe that held the Hijaz in its grip.

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������ 4. Fight in the Way of God THE MEANING OF JIHAD I N YATHRIB THE Messenger of God is dreaming. He stands in a wide meadow. Cattle graze freely on the grass. There is something in his hand: a sword unsheathed and glistening in the sun. A notch has been etched into the blade. War is approaching. But there is calm in the peaceful meadow among the grazing beasts in the warm light. Everything seems a good omen. Looking down at his body he sees he is clad in an invulnerable coat of mail. There is nothing to worry about. Sword in hand he faces the immeasurable horizon tall and confident waiting for the fight to come to him. When he wakes Muhammad understands at once the meaning of the dream: the Quraysh are coming. What he cannot know however is that they are at that moment charging toward Yathrib with three thousand heavily armed warriors and two hundred cavalrymen to put an end to Muhammad and his movement once and for all. As is the

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76 No god but God custom the soldiers are trailed by a small group of women bejeweled and dressed in their finest tunics. The women are led by the powerful and enigmatic wife of Abu Sufyan the Shaykh of Quraysh Hind. A year earlier in 624 C.E. when the Quraysh first clashed with Muhammad and his followers at Badr Hind’s brother and father had both been killed by Muhammad’s uncle Hamzah. Now as she trudges through the desert grasping the hem of her flowing white tunic in two clenched fists Hind serves as a physical reminder of why the Quraysh are finally bringing the battle for control of the Hijaz directly to Muhammad’s doorstep. “Quench my thirst for vengeance” she shouts at the men march- ing in front of her “and quench your own” Meanwhile Yathrib buzzes with rumors of the impending attack. The Jewish clans who want no part of this battle between Muham- mad and Mecca secure themselves inside their fortification. At the same time the Emigrants frantically collect what weapons and provi- sions they can find in preparation for the siege. At dawn the call to prayer draws the entire community to the mosque where Muhammad calmly confirms the rumors. It is true that the Quraysh are charging toward Yathrib he announces but rather than go out to meet them in battle Muhammad reveals his plans to stay put and wait for their enemies to come to him. He is convinced that the coat of mail he’d worn in his dream repre- sented Yathrib’s invulnerable defenses. If the Quraysh were truly fool- ish enough to attack this oasis he proclaims then the men will fight them in the streets and alleyways while the women and children hurl stones at them from atop the palm trees. His followers are skeptical about Muhammad’s plan. They remember well the beating they gave the Quraysh a year ago at Badr. Though ridiculously outnumbered Muhammad’s small band had inflicted heavy casualties on the mighty Meccan army forcing them to retreat in utter humiliation. Surely they would destroy them again in battle. “O Messenger of God” they declare “lead us out to our enemies so that they may not think we are too cowardly and weak to face them.” Their response confuses Muhammad who had assumed his dream to be a message from God. But the more his men urge him to

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Fight in the Way of God 77 go out and meet the enemy the more he wavers. Even his most trusted advisers are divided about what to do. Finally exasperated by the debate and knowing a decision must be made Muhammad stands and orders his coat of mail to be brought to him. They will face the Quraysh in the open desert. With just a few hundred men and a handful of women—including Aisha and Umm Salamah who almost always accompany him into battle—Muhammad sets off toward a plain situated a few miles north- west of Yathrib called Uhud where he has heard the Quraysh have stopped to camp and plan their attack. At Uhud he makes his way down into a gorge and sets his own camp on the opposite side of a dry riverbed not far from the Meccan army. From here he can make out the Quraysh’s tents. He takes stock of their massive numbers and superior weapons. His heart sinks when sees hundreds of their horses and camels grazing in a nearby pasture. His men have managed to round up only two horses they have no camels. Falling back Muhammad orders his followers to make camp and wait for daybreak. In the morning as the sky begins to redden he leaps atop a horse and surveys his troops one final time. Among the men he sees children armed with swords some on their tiptoes trying to blend in. He angrily pulls them out of line and sends them home to their families though a few manage to escape detection and return to fight. He then places his archers on top of a mountain near his flank ordering them to “hold firm to your position so that we will not be attacked from your direction.” T o the rest of his men he shouts his final instructions: “Let no one fight until I command him to fight” Then as if sensing he has somehow violated the omens in his dream he puts on a second coat of mail and orders his army to attack. Almost immediately the Quraysh are put to flight. Muhammad’s archers release a steady hail of arrows onto the battlefield protecting his meager troops and forcing the Meccan army to retreat from their positions. But as the Quraysh pull back the archers—in direct viola- tion of Muhammad’s orders not to move from their position—run down the mountain to claim the booty left behind by the retreating army. It does not take long for the Quraysh to regroup and with his flank unguarded the Prophet and his warriors are quickly sur- rounded. The battle becomes a slaughter.

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78 No god but God The massive Meccan army makes quick work of Muhammad’s forces on the ground. The bodies of the dead litter the battlefield. As the Quraysh draw closer some of Muhammad’s men form a tight cir- cle to shield him from the advancing army and the volley of arrows raining down on all sides. One by one the men fall at his feet their bodies riddled with arrows until only one man is left. Then he falls. Now alone Muhammad kneels beside his dead warriors and con- tinues to fire his arrows blindly at the Quraysh until the bow snaps in his hands. He is defenseless and seriously wounded: his jaw cracked his teeth broken his lip split his forehead cut and covered in blood. For a moment he considers summoning what strength he has left and charging the enemy when suddenly one of his men—a hefty warrior named Abu Dujanah—runs onto the battlefield catches hold of him and drags him into the mouth of the gorge where the last of the sur- vivors have gathered to attend their wounds. The Prophet’s sudden disappearance from the battlefield launches a rumor that he has been killed and ironically this is exactly the reprieve Muhammad’s men need. For with news of his death the Quraysh halt their assault and the battle is over. As the remnants of Muhammad’s army quietly creep back toward Yathrib—bloodied and humiliated—the victorious Abu Sufyan climbs atop a hill and raising his bowed sword in the air cries: “Be exalted Hubal Be exalted” Afterward when a sense of calm has settled upon Uhud Hind and the rest of the women of Quraysh roam the battlefield mutilating the bodies of the dead a common practice in pre-Islamic Arabia. The women cut off the noses and ears of Muhammad’s fallen warriors so as to fashion necklaces and anklets from them. But Hind has a more urgent purpose. She separates from the rest to search the gorge for the body of Muhammad’s uncle Hamzah—the man who had killed her father and brother at Badr. Finding him at last she kneels beside his corpse rips open his body pulls out his liver with her bare hands and bites into it thus completing her vengeance against the Mes- senger of God. Islam has so often been portrayed even by contemporary scholars as “a military religion with fanatical warriors engaged in spreading their faith and their law by armed might” to quote historian Bernard

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Fight in the Way of God 79 Lewis that the image of the Muslim horde charging wildly into battle like a swarm of locusts has become one of the most enduring stereo- types in the Western world. “Islam was never really a religion of salva- tion” wrote the eminent sociologist Max Weber. “Islam is a warrior religion.” It is a religion that Samuel Huntington has portrayed as steeped “in bloody borders.” This deep-rooted stereotype of Islam as a warrior religion has its origins in the papal propaganda of the Crusades when Muslims were depicted as the soldiers of the Antichrist in blasphemous occupation of the Holy Lands and far more importantly of the silk route to China. In the Middle Ages while Muslim philosophers scientists and mathematicians were preserving the knowledge of the past and determining the scholarship of the future a belligerent and deeply fractured Holy Roman Empire tried to distinguish itself from the T urks who were strangling it from all sides by labeling Islam “the reli- gion of the sword” as though there were in that era an alternative means of territorial expansion besides war. And as the European colo- nialists of the eigtheenth and nineteenth centuries systematically plundered the natural resources of the Middle East and North Africa inadvertently creating a rabid political and religious backlash that would produce what is now popularly called “Islamic fundamental- ism” the image of the dreaded Muslim warrior “clad in a long robe and brandishing his scimitar ready to slaughter any infidel that might come his way” became a widely popular literary cliché. It still is. T oday the traditional image of the Muslim horde has been more or less replaced by a new image: the Islamic terrorist strapped with explosives ready to be martyred for Allah eager to take as many inno- cent people as possible with him. What has not changed however is the notion that Islam is a religion whose adherents have been embroiled in a perpetual state of holy war or jihad from the time of Muhammad to this very day. Yet the doctrine of jihad like so many doctrines in Islam was not fully developed as an ideological expression until long after Muham- mad’s death when Muslim conquerors began absorbing the cultures and practices of the Near East. Islam it must be remembered was born in an era of grand empires and global conquests a time in which the Byzantines and Sasanians—both theocratic kingdoms—were

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80 No god but God locked in a permanent state of religious war for territorial expansion. The Muslim armies that spread out of the Arabian Peninsula simply joined in the existing fracas they neither created it nor defined it though they quickly dominated it. Despite the common perception in the West the Muslim conquerors did not force conversion upon the conquered peoples indeed they did not even encourage it. The fact is that the financial and social advantages of being an Arab Muslim in the eighth and ninth centuries were such that Islam quickly became an élite clique which a non-Arab could join only through a complex process that involved becoming first the client of an Arab. This was also an era in which religion and the state were one uni- fied entity. With the exception of a few remarkable men and women no Jew Christian Zoroastrian or Muslim of this time would have considered his or her religion to be rooted in the personal confes- sional experiences of individuals. Quite the contrary. Your religion was your ethnicity your culture and your social identity it defined your politics your economics and your ethics. More than anything else your religion was your citizenship. Thus the Holy Roman Empire had its officially sanctioned and legally enforced version of Christian- ity just as the Sasanian Empire had its officially sanctioned and legally enforced version of Zoroastrianism. In the Indian subcontinent Vais- nava kingdoms devotees of Vishnu and his incarnations vied with Saiva kingdoms devotees of Shiva for territorial control while in China Buddhist rulers fought Taoist rulers for political ascendancy. Throughout every one of these regions but especially in the Near East where religion explicitly sanctioned the state territorial expan- sion was identical to religious proselytization. Thus every religion was a “religion of the sword.” As the Muslim conquerors set about developing the meaning and function of war in Islam they had at their disposal the highly devel- oped and imperially sanctioned ideals of religious warfare as defined and practiced by the Sasanian and Byzantine empires. In fact the term “holy war” originates not with Islam but with the Christian Crusaders who first used it to give theological legitimacy to what was in reality a battle for land and trade routes. “Holy war” was not a term used by Muslim conquerors and it is in no way a proper definition of the word

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�� Fight in the Way of God 81 jihad. There are a host of words in Arabic that can be definitively translated as “war” jihad is not one of them. The word jihad literally means “a struggle” “a striving” or “a great effort.” In its primary religious connotation sometimes referred to as “the greater jihad” it means the struggle of the soul to over- come the sinful obstacles that keep a person from God. This is why the word jihad is nearly always followed in the Quran by the phrase “in the way of God.” However because Islam considers this inward strug- gle for holiness and submission to be inseparable from the outward struggle for the welfare of humanity jihad has more often been associ- ated with its secondary connotation “the lesser jihad”: that is any exertion—military or otherwise—against oppression and tyranny. And while this definition of jihad has occasionally been manipulated by militants and extremists to give religious sanction to what are in actuality social and political agendas that is not at all how Muham- mad understood the term. War according to the Quran is either just or unjust it is never “holy.” Consequently jihad is best defined as a primitive “just war the- ory”: a theory born out of necessity and developed in the midst of a bloody and often chaotic war that erupted in 624 C.E. between Mu- hammad’s small but growing community and the all-powerful ever- present Quraysh. STRANGELY THE QURAYSH seemed at first to be completely untroubled by the success of Muhammad’s community in Yathrib. Certainly they were aware of what was taking place. The Quraysh preserved their dominant position in Arabia by maintaining spies throughout the Peninsula nothing that could endanger their author- ity or threaten their profits would have passed their notice. But while they may have been concerned with the growing number of his fol- lowers as long they remained confined to Yathrib Mecca was content to forget all about Muhammad. Muhammad however was not willing to forget about Mecca. Perhaps the greatest transformation that occurred in Yathrib was not in the traditional tribal system but in the Prophet himself. As the

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82 No god but God Revelation evolved from general statements about the goodness and power of God to specific legal and civil rules for constructing and maintaining a righteous and egalitarian society so too did Muham- mad’s prophetic consciousness evolve. No longer was his message to be addressed solely to “the mother of cities Mecca and those who dwell around it” 6:92. The dramatic success of the Ummah in Yathrib had convinced Muhammad that God was calling him to be more than just a warner to his “tribe and close kin” 26:214. He now understood his role as being “a mercy to all the creatures of the world” 21:107 and the Messenger “to all of humanity” 12:104 81:27. Of course no matter how popular or successful or large his com- munity became it could never hope to expand beyond the borders of Yathrib if the religious economic and social center of the Hijaz con- tinued to oppose it. Eventually Muhammad would have to confront and if possible convert the Quraysh to his side. But first he had to get their attention. Having learned in Mecca that the only effective way to confront the Quraysh was through their pocketbooks Muhammad made the extraordinarily bold decision of declaring Yathrib to be a sanctuary city haram. This declaration—formalized in the Constitution of Medina—meant that Yathrib could now conceivably become both a religious pilgrimage site and a legitimate trading center the two being almost inseparable in ancient Arabia. But this was not merely a financial decision. By declaring Yathrib a sanctuary city Muhammad was deliberately challenging Mecca’s religious and economic hege- mony over the Peninsula. And just to make sure the Quraysh got the message he sent his followers out into the desert to take part in the time-honored Arab tradition of caravan raiding. In pre-Islamic Arabia caravan raiding was a legitimate means for small clans to benefit from the wealth of larger ones. It was in no way considered stealing and as long as no violence occurred and no blood was shed there was no need for retribution. The raiding party would quickly descend on a caravan—usually at its rear—and carry off what- ever they could get their hands on before being discovered. These periodic raids were certainly a nuisance for the caravan leaders but in general they were considered part of the innate hazards of transport- ing large amounts of goods through a vast and unprotected desert.

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Fight in the Way of God 83 Though small and sporadic at first Muhammad’s raids not only provided the Ummah with desperately needed income they also effectively disrupted the trade flowing in and out of Mecca. It wasn’t long before caravans entering the sacred city began complaining to the Quraysh that they no longer felt safe traveling through the region. A few caravans even chose to detour to Yathrib instead to take advan- tage of the security Muhammad and his men were assuring. Trade began to dwindle in Mecca profits were lost and Muhammad finally got the attention he was seeking. In 624 a full year before the disastrous defeat at Uhud Muham- mad received news that a large caravan was making its way to Mecca from Palestine the sheer size of which made it too tempting to ignore. Summoning a band of three hundred volunteers—mostly Emigrants— he set out to raid it. But as his group arrived outside the city of Badr they were suddenly confronted by a thousand Qurayshi warriors. Mu- hammad’ s plans had been leaked to Mecca and now the Quraysh were ready to give his small band of insurgents a lesson they would not forget. For days the two armies surveyed each other from opposite sides of a sizable valley: the Quraysh arrayed in white tunics straddling ornately painted horses and tall brawny camels the Ummah dressed in rags and prepared for a raid not a war. In truth neither side seemed eager for a fight. The Quraysh probably assumed their overwhelming numbers would elicit immediate surrender or at the very least contri- tion. And Muhammad who must have known that fighting the Quraysh under these circumstances would result not only in his own death but in the end of the Ummah was anxiously awaiting instruc- tions from God. “O God” he kept praying “if this band of people perishes you will no longer be worshipped.” There was something more to Muhammad’s reluctance at Badr than fear of annihilation. Although he had known for some time that his message could not expand outside Arabia without the capitulation of the Quraysh and while he must have recognized that such capitula- tion would not come without a fight Muhammad understood that just as the Revelation had forever transformed the socioeconomic land- scape of pre-Islamic Arabia so must it alter the methods and morals of pre-Islamic warfare.

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84 No god but God It is not that Arabia was short on “rules of war.” A host of regula- tions existed among the pagan tribes with regard to when and where fighting could take place. But for the most part these rules were meant to contain and limit fighting to ensure the tribe’s survival not to establish a code of conduct in warfare. In the same way that absolute morality did not play a significant role in tribal concepts of law and order neither did it play a role in tribal notions of war and peace. The doctrine of jihad as it slowly developed in the Quran was specifically meant to differentiate between pre-Islamic and Islamic notions of warfare and to infuse the latter with what Mustansir Mir calls an “ideological-cum-ethical dimension” that until that point did not exist in the Arabian Peninsula. At the heart of the doctrine of jihad was the heretofore unrecognized distinction between combatant and noncombatant. Thus the killing of women children monks rabbis the elderly or any other noncombatant was absolutely forbidden under any circumstances. Muslim law eventually expanded on these prohibi- tions to outlaw the torture of prisoners of war the mutilation of the dead rape molestation or any kind of sexual violence during combat the killing of diplomats the wanton destruction of property and the demolition of religious or medical institutions—regulations that as Hilmi Zawati has observed were all eventually incorporated into the modern international laws of war. But perhaps the most important innovation in the doctrine of jihad was its outright prohibition of all but strictly defensive wars. “Fight in the way of God those who fight you” the Quran says “but do not begin hostilities God does not like the aggressor” 2:190. Elsewhere the Quran is more explicit: “permission to fight is given only to those who have been oppressed... who have been driven from their homes for saying ‘God is our Lord’ ” 22:39 emphasis added. It is true that some verses in the Quran instruct Muhammad and his followers to “slay the polytheists wherever you confront them” 9:5 to “carry the struggle to the hypocrites who deny the faith” 9:73 and especially to “fight those who do not believe in God and the Last Day” 9:29. However it must be understood that these verses were directed specifically at the Quraysh and their clandestine partisans in Yathrib—specifically named in the Quran as “the poly-

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Fight in the Way of God 85 theists” and “the hypocrites” respectively—with whom the Ummah was locked in a terrible war. Nevertheless these verses have long been used by Muslims and non-Muslims alike to suggest that Islam advocates fighting unbeliev- ers until they convert. But this is not a view that either the Quran or Muhammad endorsed. This view was put forth during the height of the Crusades and partly in response to them by later generations of Islamic legal scholars who developed what is now referred to as “the classical doctrine of jihad”: a doctrine that among other things parti- tioned the world into two spheres the House of Islam dar al-Islam and the House of War dar al-Harb with the former in constant pur- suit of the latter. As the Crusades drew to a close and Rome’s attention turned away from the Muslim menace and toward the Christian reform move- ments cropping up throughout Europe the classical doctrine of jihad was vigorously challenged by a new generation of Muslim scholars. The most important of these scholars was Ibn T aymiyya 1263–1328 whose influence in shaping Muslim ideology is matched only by St. Augustine’s influence in shaping Christianity. Ibn Taymiyya argued that the idea of killing nonbelievers who refused to convert to Islam— the foundation of the classical doctrine of jihad—not only defied the example of Muhammad but also violated one of the most important principles in the Quran: that “there can be no compulsion in religion” 2:256. Indeed on this point the Quran is adamant. “The truth is from your Lord” it says “believe it if you like or do not” 18:29. The Quran also asks rhetorically “Can you compel people to believe against their will” 10:100. Obviously not the Quran therefore commands believers to say to those who do not believe “T o you your religion to me mine” 109:6. Ibn Taymiyya’s rejection of the classical doctrine of jihad fueled the works of a number of Muslim political and religious thinkers in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. In India Sayyid Ahmed Khan 1817–98 used Ibn Taymiyya’s argument to claim that jihad could not be properly applied to the struggle for independence against Brit- ish occupation because the British had not suppressed the religious freedom of India’s Muslim community—a Quranic requirement for

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86 No god but God sanctioning jihad as one can imagine this was an unpopular argu- ment in colonial India. Chiragh Ali 1844–95 a protégé of Ahmed Khan and one of the first Muslim scholars to push Quranic scholar- ship toward rational contextualization argued that the modern Mus- lim community could not take Muhammad’s historical Ummah as a legitimate example of how and when to wage war because that com- munity developed in a time when as mentioned the whole of the known world was in a state of permanent conflict. Early in the twenti- eth century the Egyptian reformer Mahmud Shaltut 1897–1963 used Chiragh Ali’s contextualization of the Quran to show that Islam outlaws not only wars that are not made in direct response to aggres- sion but also those that are not officially sanctioned by a qualified Muslim jurist or mujtahid. Over the last century however and especially after the colonial experience gave birth to a new kind of Islamic radicalism in the Mid- dle East the classical doctrine of jihad has undergone a massive resur- gence in the pulpits and classrooms of a few prominent Muslim intellectuals. In Iran the Ayatollah Khomeini 1902–89 relied on a militant interpretation of jihad first to energize the anti-imperialist revolution of 1979 and then to fuel his destructive eight-year war with Iraq. It was Khomeini’s vision of jihad as a weapon of war that helped found the Islamic militant group Hizbullah whose invention of the suicide bomber launched an appalling new era of international terrorism. In Saudi Arabia Abdullah Yusuf Azzam 1941–89 professor of Islamic philosophy at King Abdulaziz University used his influence among the country’s disaffected youth to promote an uncompro- misingly belligerent interpretation of jihad that he argued was incumbent on all Muslims. “Jihad and the rifle alone” Dr. Azzam pro- claimed to his students. “No negotiations no conferences and no dia- logues.” Azzam’s views laid the foundations for the Palestinian militant group Hamas which has since adopted Hizbullah’s tactics in their resistance against the Israeli occupation. His teachings had an exceptional impact on one student in particular: Osama bin Laden who eventually put into practice his mentor’s ideology by calling for a worldwide Muslim campaign of jihad against the West a campaign

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Fight in the Way of God 87 that climaxed with the attacks on New York and Washington D.C. on September 11 2001. Of course the attacks of September 11 were not a defensive strike against a specific act of aggression against Islam. They were never sanctioned by a qualified mujtahid. They made no differentiation between combatant and noncombatant. And they indiscriminately killed women children and approximately two hundred Muslims on the ground and in the towers. In other words they fell far short of the regulations imposed by Muhammad for a legitimate jihadi response which is why despite common perception in the West they were so roundly condemned by the vast majority of the world’s Muslims including some of Islam’s most militant and anti-American clerics such as Shaykh Fadlallah the spiritual leader of Lebanon’s Hizbullah and the radical Muslim televangelist Yusuf al-Qaradawi. The fact is that nearly one out of four people in the world are Muslims. And while they may share bin Laden’ s grievances against the Western powers they do not share his interpretation of jihad. Indeed despite the ways in which this doctrine has been manipulated to justify either personal prejudices or political ideologies jihad is neither a universally recognized nor a unanimously defined concept in the Muslim world. It is true that the struggle against injustice and tyranny is incumbent on all Muslims. After all if there were no one to stand up to despots and tyrants then as the Quran states our “monasteries churches synagogues and mosques—places where the name of God is honored—would all be razed to the ground” 22:40. But it is never- theless solely as a defensive response to oppression and injustice and only within the clearly outlined rules of ethical conduct in battle that the Quranic vision of jihad is to be understood. For if as political the- orist Michael Walzer claims the determining factor of a “just war” is the establishment of specific regulations covering both jus in bello jus- tice in war and jus ad bellum justice of war then there can be no bet- ter way to describe Muhammad’s doctrine of jihad than as an ancient Arabian “just war” theory. Badr became the first opportunity for Muhammad to put this theory of jihad into practice. As the days passed and the two armies steadily

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88 No god but God inched closer to each other Muhammad refused to fight until attacked. Even as the fighting began—in traditional Arab fashion with hand-to-hand combat between two or three individuals from both sides at the end of which the field was cleared of corpses and another set of individuals chosen to fight—Muhammad remained on his knees waiting for a message from God. It was Abu Bakr who hav- ing had enough of the Prophet’s indecisiveness finally urged him to rise and take part in the battle that despite Muhammad’s reluctance had already begun. “O Prophet of God” Abu Bakr said “do not call upon your Lord so much for God will assuredly fulfill what he has promised you.” Muhammad agreed. Rising to his feet he finally called upon his small band of followers to trust in God and advance in full against the enemy. What followed was a fierce skirmish that Francesco Gabrieli has called “hardly more than a brawl.” A brawl it may have been but when the fighting stopped and the battlefield was cleared of bodies there was little doubt as to who had come out on top. Astonishingly Muhammad had lost only a dozen men while the Quraysh were thor- oughly routed. News of the Prophet’s victory over the largest and most powerful tribe in Arabia reached Yathrib long before the victors did. The Ummah was ecstatic. The Battle of Badr proved that God had blessed the Messenger. There were rumors that angels had descended onto the battlefield to slay Muhammad’s enemies. After Badr Muhammad was no longer a mere Shaykh or a Hakam he and his followers were now the new political power in the Hijaz. And Yathrib was no longer just an agricultural oasis but the seat of that power: the City of the Prophet. Medina. Badr had essentially created two opposing groups in the Hijaz: those who favored Muhammad and those who remained loyal to the Quraysh. Sides were chosen. Clan representatives from throughout the Hijaz flooded into Medina to ally themselves with Muhammad while at the same time a rush of Qurayshi loyalists abandoned Medina for Mecca. Interestingly many of these loyalists were Hanifs who had refused to convert to Muhammad’s movement despite its connection to “the religion of Abraham” primarily because their Hanifism neces- sitated allegiance to the Ka‘ba and its keepers the Quraysh.

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Fight in the Way of God 89 However neither the “reverse migration” from Medina to Mecca nor the defection of the Hanifs troubled Muhammad. He was con- cerned with a far more urgent matter: there was a traitor in Medina. Someone had informed the Quraysh of his plans to raid the caravan. And while there were many possibilities Muhammad’s suspicions fell at once upon the Banu Qaynuqa one of the largest and wealthiest Jewish clans in the oasis. Acting on his suspicions he besieged the Qaynuqa fortification for fifteen days until the clan finally surren- dered. Muhammad’s fears about the Banu Qaynuqa’s treachery may not have been unfounded. Most of the Jewish clans in Medina had vital commercial links with the Quraysh and wanted no part in what they assumed would become a protracted war between the two cities. Muhammad’s presence in the oasis had already made things finan- cially difficult for them. The political alliance between the Arab tribes and an increasingly powerful Muhammad had drastically eroded the power and authority of Medina’s Jewish clans. The Banu Qaynuqa suffered especially from the Prophet’s tax-free market which had eradicated their economic monopoly over Medina and greatly reduced their wealth. A war with Mecca would only have worsened the situation of Medina’s Jewish clans by permanently severing their economic ties to the Quraysh who were after all the primary con- sumers of their dates wines and arms. Despite the victory at Badr there was still no reason to believe that Muhammad could actually conquer the Quraysh. Eventually the Meccans would regroup and return to defeat the Prophet. And when that happened it would be imperative for the Jewish clans to make their loyalties to the Quraysh absolutely clear. After Badr Muhammad was likewise deeply concerned with clari- fying loyalties and it was for this reason that he cemented the agree- ments of mutual protection in the oasis by formalizing the Constitution of Medina. This document which Moshe Gil aptly calls “an act of preparation for war” made clear that the defense of Me- dina—or at the very least the sharing of the cost of such a defense— was the common responsibility of every inhabitant. And while the Constitution clarified the absolute religious and social freedom of Medina’s Jewish clans stating “to the Jews their religion and to the

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90 No god but God Muslims their religion” it nevertheless fully expected them to provide aid to “whoever wars against the people of this document.” In short the Constitution of Medina provided the means through which Muhammad could ascertain who was and who was not on his side. Therefore when he suspected that the Qaynuqa had betrayed their oath of mutual protection and shown themselves to be against him he was quick to act. According to Arab tradition the penalty for treason was clearly defined: the men were to be killed the women and children sold into slavery and their property dispersed as booty. This is precisely what everyone in Medina assumed would happen to the Banu Qaynuqa including the Qaynuqa themselves. They were shocked therefore when Muhammad rejected traditional law and decided instead to exile the clan from Medina even going so far as to allow them to take most of their property with them. It was a magnanimous decision on Muhammad’s part one that was in many ways pressed upon him by his Medinan allies who did not wish to have the blood of their clients on their hands. But it was a decision he would be forced to make again a year later after the disastrous defeat of his overconfident army at Uhud. The Battle of Uhud crushed the morale of the Ummah. More importantly it seemed to confirm the expectations of Medina’s Jewish clans who reasoned that it would only be a matter of time before the Quraysh were victorious over Muhammad. The Banu Nadir and the Banu Qurayza the two most dominant Jewish clans left in the oasis were especially delighted by the outcome of Uhud. In fact the Banu Nadir whose Shaykh had met secretly with Abu Sufyan before the battle tried to capitalize on Muhammad’s weakness by assassinating him. But even before he had recovered from his battle wounds Muhammad discovered the plot and just as he had done with the Qaynuqa rushed what was left of his battered army to besiege the fortress of the Nadir. When the clan appealed to their fellow Jews for help the Shaykh of Banu Qurayza Ka’b ibn Asad made it clear they were on their own. With this reply the Nadir had no choice but to surrender to Muhammad but only on the condition that they be given the same opportunity as the Banu Qaynuqa to lay down their arms and leave Medina in peace. Again to the utter disgust of his fol-

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Fight in the Way of God 91 lowers many of whom had been seriously wounded in the battle Muhammad agreed. The Banu Nadir left Medina for Khaybar taking their wealth and property with them. After Uhud the skirmishes between Mecca and Medina contin- ued for two more years. These were bloody times rife with secret negotiations clandestine assassinations and horrific acts of violence on both sides. Finally in 627 C.E. the Quraysh having tired of the ongoing conflict formed a massive coalition of Bedouin fighters and headed one last time for Medina hoping to put a definitive end to the protracted war. This time however Muhammad decided to wait for the Quraysh to come to him. In an innovative military tactic that would be copied for centuries to come he instructed his followers to dig a trench around Medina from inside which he was able to defend the oasis indefinitely. After nearly a month of trying to overcome this ingenious trench defense the Quraysh and their large Bedouin coali- tion gave up and returned home exhausted and out of supplies. While this was far from a victory for Muhammad he could not have been displeased with the outcome especially considering how poorly the Battle of Uhud had gone. There wasn’t much fighting very few people died on either side. In reality not much happened. But the Battle of the Trench as it came to be known is famous not for what occurred during the fight but for what happened afterward. During the month-long siege while the Medinan army struggled to keep the Meccan invaders at bay the Banu Qurayza—now the largest Jewish clan in the oasis—openly and actively supported the forces of the Quraysh going so far as to provide them with weapons and supplies. Why the Qurayza would so openly have betrayed Muhammad is impossible to say. The brazenness with which they pursued negotiations with the Bedouin coalition—even while the bat- tle was raging around them—indicates they may have thought this was the end of Muhammad’s movement and wanted to be on the right side when the dust settled. Even if Muhammad won the battle the Qurayza probably assumed that at worst they would be exiled from Medina like the Qaynuqa and the Nadir the latter already thriving among the large Jewish population of Khaybar. But Muhammad’s generosity had been pushed to its limit and he was no longer in the mood for clemency.

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�� 92 No god but God For more than a month he kept the Qurayza inside their fortress while he deliberated with his advisers about what to do. In the end he turned to Arab tradition. This was a dispute it could be settled only through the arbitration of a Hakam. But because this dispute involved Muhammad—who was obviously not a neutral party—the role of arbiter fell to Sa‘d ibn Mu‘adh the Shaykh of the Aws. On the surface it seemed Sa‘d was anything but a neutral party. After all the Banu Qurayza were clients of the Aws and so technically fell under Sa‘d’ s direct protection. This may have been why the Qurayza were so eager to accept him as Hakam. But when Sa‘d came out of his tent where he had been recovering from his battle wounds his decision was the clearest sign yet that the old social order no longer applied. “I pass judgment on them” Sa‘d declared “that their fighters shall be killed and their children and wives made captives and that their property shall be divided.” UNDERSTANDABLY THE EXECUTION of the Banu Qurayza has received a great deal of scrutiny from scholars of all disciplines. Heinrich Graetz writing in the nineteenth century painted the event as a barbarous act of genocide reflecting Islam’ s inherently anti-Jewish sentiments. S. W. Baron’s Social and Religious History of the Jews some- what fantastically likened the Banu Qurayza to the rebels of Masada— the legendary Jews who heroically chose mass suicide over submission to the Romans in 72 C.E. Early in the twentieth century a number of Orientalist scholars pointed to this episode in Islamic history as proof that Islam was a violent and backward religion. In his masterwork Muhammad and the Conquests of Islam Francesco Gabrieli claimed that Muhammad’s execution of the Qurayza reaffirms “our consciousness as Christian and civilized men that this God or at least this aspect of Him is not ours.” In response to these accusations some Muslim scholars have done considerable research to prove that the execution of the Banu Qurayza never happened at least not in the way it has been recorded. Both Barakat Ahmad and W. N. Arafat for example have noted that the story of the Qurayza is not only inconsistent with Quranic values and Islamic precedent but is based upon highly dubious and contra-

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Fight in the Way of God 93 dictory accounts derived from Jewish chroniclers who wished to por- tray the Qurayza as heroic martyrs of God. In recent years contemporary scholars of Islam arguing that Muhammad’s actions cannot be judged according to our modern ethi- cal standards have striven to place the execution of the Qurayza in its historical context. Karen Armstrong in her beautiful biography of the Prophet notes that the massacre while revolting to a contemporary audience was neither illegal nor immoral according to the tribal ethic of the time. Likewise Norman Stillman in his The Jews of Arab Lands argues that the fate of the Banu Qurayza was “not unusual according to the harsh rules of war during that period.” Stillman goes on to write that the fact that no other Jewish clan in Medina either objected to Muhammad’s actions or attempted to intervene in any way on behalf of the Qurayza is proof that the Jews themselves considered this event “a tribal and political affair of the traditional Arabian kind.” And yet even Armstrong and Stillman continue to advocate the enduring view that the execution of the Qurayza while understand- able for historical and cultural reasons was nonetheless the tragic result of a deeply rooted ideological conflict between the Muslims and Jews of Medina a conflict that can still be observed in the modern Middle East. The Swedish scholar T or Andrae most clearly encapsu- lates this view arguing that the execution was the result of Muham- mad’s belief “that the Jews were the sworn enemies of Allah and His revelation. Therefore any mercy toward them was out of the question.” But Andrae’ s view and the views of so many others who agree with him is at best ignorant of Muslim history and religion and at worst bigoted and obtuse. The fact is that the execution of the Banu Qurayza while undeniably a dreadful event was neither an act of genocide nor part of some comprehensive anti-Jewish agenda on the part of Muhammad. And it most certainly was not the result of an entrenched and innate religious conflict between Islam and Judaism. Nothing could be further from the truth. To begin with the Banu Qurayza were not executed for being Jews. As Michael Lecker has demonstrated a significant number of the Banu Kilab—Arab clients of the Qurayza who allied with them as an auxiliary force outside Medina—were also executed for treason.

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94 No god but God And while reports of the total number of men who were killed vary from 400 to 700 depending on the source the highest estimates still represent no more than a tiny fraction of the total population of Jews who resided in Medina and its environs. Even if one excludes the Qaynuqa and Nadir clans thousands of Jews still remained in the oasis living amicably alongside their Muslim neighbors for many years after the execution of the Qurayza. Only under the leadership of Umar near the end of the seventh century C.E. were the remaining Jewish clans in Medina expelled—peacefully—as part of a larger Islamization process throughout the Arabian Peninsula. Describing the death of only slightly more than one percent of Medina’s Jewish population as a “genocidal act” is not only a preposterous exaggera- tion it is an affront to the memory of those millions of Jews who truly have suffered the horrors of genocide. Second as scholars almost unanimously agree the execution of the Banu Qurayza did not in any way set a precedent for future treat- ment of Jews in Islamic territories. On the contrary Jews throve under Muslim rule especially after Islam expanded into Byzantine lands where Orthodox rulers routinely persecuted both Jews and non-Orthodox Christians for their religious beliefs often forcing them to convert to Imperial Christianity under penalty of death. In contrast Muslim law which considers Jews and Christians “protected peoples” dhimmi neither required nor encouraged their conversion to Islam. Pagans and polytheists however were given a choice between conversion and death. Muslim persecution of the dhimmi was not only forbidden by Islamic law it was in direct defiance of Muhammad’s orders to his expanding armies never to trouble Jews in their practice of Judaism and always to preserve the Christian institutions they encountered. Thus when Umar ordered the demolition of a mosque in Damascus that had been illegally constructed by forcibly expropriating the house of a Jew he was merely following the Prophet’s warning that “he who wrongs a Jew or a Christian will have me as his accuser on the Day of Judgment.” In return for a special “protection tax” called jizyah Muslim law allowed Jews and Christians both religious autonomy and the oppor- tunity to share in the social and economic institutions of the Muslim

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Fight in the Way of God 95 world. Nowhere was this tolerance more evident than in medieval Spain—the supreme example of Muslim Jewish and Christian coop- eration—where Jews especially were able to rise to the highest posi- tions in society and government. Indeed one of the most powerful men in all of Muslim Spain was a Jew named Hasdai ibn Shaprut who for many decades served as the trusted vizier to the Caliph Abd al- Rahman III. It is no wonder then that Jewish documents written dur- ing this period refer to Islam as “an act of God’s mercy.” Of course even in Muslim Spain there were periods of intoler- ance and religious persecution. Moreover Islamic law did prohibit Jews and Christians from openly proselytizing their faith in public places. But as Maria Menocal notes such prohibitions affected Chris- tians more than they did Jews who have been historically disinclined toward both proselytizing and public displays of their religious rituals. This may explain why Christianity gradually disappeared in most of the Islamic lands while Jewish communities increased and prospered. In any case even during the most oppressive periods in Islamic his- tory Jews under Muslim rule received far better treatment and had far greater rights than when they were under Christian rule. It is no acci- dent that a few months after Muslim Spain fell to Ferdinand’s Chris- tian armies in 1492 most of Spain’s Jews were summarily expelled from the realm. The Inquisition took care of those who remained. Finally and most importantly the execution of the Banu Qurayza was not as it has so often been presented reflective of an intrinsic religious conflict between Muhammad and the Jews. This theory which is sometimes presented as an incontestable doctrine in both Islamic and Judaic studies is founded on the belief that Muham- mad who considered his message to be a continuation of the Judeo- Christian prophetic tradition came to Medina fully expecting the Jews to confirm his identity as a prophet. Supposedly to facilitate the Jews’ acceptance of his prophetic identity Muhammad connected his community to theirs by adopting a number of Jewish rituals and practices. To his surprise however the Jews not only rejected him but strenuously argued against the authenticity of the Quran as divine revelation. Worried that the rejection of the Jews would some- how discredit his prophetic claims Muhammad had no choice but to turn violently against them separate his community from theirs

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96 No god but God and in the words of F. E. Peters “refashion Islam as an alternative to Judaism.” There are two problems with this theory. First it fails to appreci- ate Muhammad’s own religious and political acumen. It is not as though the Prophet were an ignorant Bedouin worshipping the ele- ments or bowing before slabs of stone. This was a man who for nearly half a century had lived in the religious capital of the Arabian Penin- sula where he was a sophisticated merchant with firm economic and cultural ties to both Jewish and Christian tribes. It would have been ridiculously naïve for Muhammad to assume that his prophetic mis- sion would be “as obvious to the Jews as it was to him” to quote Montgomery Watt. He would need only have been familiar with the most rudimentary doctrine of Judaism to know that they would not have necessarily accepted his identity as one of their prophets. Cer- tainly he was aware that the Jews did not recognize Jesus as a prophet why would he have assumed they would recognize him as such But the most glaring problem with this theory is not how little credit it gives to Muhammad but how much credit it gives to Me- dina’s Jews. As mentioned the Jewish clans in Medina—themselves Arab converts—were barely distinguishable from their pagan coun- terparts either culturally or for that matter religiously. This was not a particularly literate group. The Arabic sources describe Medina’s Jew- ish clans as speaking a language of their own called ratan which al- T abari claims was Persian but which was probably a hybrid of Arabic and Aramaic. There is no evidence that they either spoke or under- stood Hebrew. Indeed their knowledge of the Hebrew Scriptures was likely limited to just a few scrolls of law some prayer books and a handful of fragmentary Arabic translations of the T orah—what S. W. Baron refers to as a “garbled oral tradition.” So limited was their knowledge of Judaism that some scholars do not believe them to have been genuinely Jewish. D. S. Margoliouth considers the Jews of Medina to have been little more than a loose band of monotheists—not unlike the Hanifs—who should more properly be termed “Rahmanists” Rahman being an alternative title for Allah. While many disagree with Margoliouth’ s analysis there are other reasons to question the extent to which Medina’s Jewish clans would have identified themselves with the Jewish faith. Consider for

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Fight in the Way of God 97 example that by the sixth century C.E. there was as noted by H. G. Reissener complete agreement among Diaspora Jewish communities that a non-Israelite could be considered a Jew only if he was “a fol- lower of the Mosaic Law . . . in accordance with the principles laid down in the Talmud.” Such a restriction would immediately have ruled out Medina’s Jewish clans who were not Israelites and who nei- ther strictly observed Mosaic law nor seemed to have any real knowl- edge of the Talmud. Moreover there is a conspicuous absence in Medina of what should be easily identifiable archeological evidence of a significant Jewish presence. According to Jonathan Reed certain archeological indicators—such as the remnants of stone vessels the ruins of immersion pools miqva’ot and the interment of ossuaries— must be present at a site in order to confirm the existence there of an established Jewish religious identity. As far as we know none of these indicators have been unearthed in Medina. Naturally there are those who continue to assert the religious identity of Medina’s Jewish clans. Gordon Newby for example thinks Medina’s Jews may have comprised distinct communities with their own schools and books though no archeological evidence exists to confirm this hypothesis. In any case even Newby admits that with regard to their culture ethics and even their religion Medina’s Jews were not only quite different from other Jewish communities in the Arabian Peninsula they were practically identical to Medina’s pagan community with whom they freely interacted and against Mosaic law frequently intermarried. Simply put the Jewish clans of Medina were in no way a reli- giously observant group they may not even have been Jews if Margo- liouth and others are correct. So it is highly doubtful that they would have engaged in complex polemical debates with Muhammad over the Quran’s correlation to Hebrew Scriptures that they neither could read nor likely even owned. The fact is that nothing Muhammad either said or did would necessarily have been objectionable to Medina’s Jews. As Newby writes in A History of the Jews of Arabia Islam and Judaism in seventh- century Arabia operated within “the same sphere of religious dis- course” in that both shared the same religious characters stories and anecdotes both discussed the same fundamental questions from

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98 No god but God similar perspectives and both had nearly identical moral and ethical values. Where there was disagreement between the two faiths Newby suggests it was “over interpretation of shared topics not over two mutually exclusive views of the world.” T o quote S. D. Goiten there was simply “nothing repugnant to the Jewish religion in Muhammad’s preaching.” Even Muhammad’s claim to be the Prophet and Apostle of God on the model of the great Jewish patriarchs would not necessarily have been unacceptable to Medina’s Jews. Not only did his words and actions correspond perfectly to the widely accepted pattern of Arabian Jewish mysticism but Muhammad was not even the only person in Medina making these kinds of prophetic claims. Medina was also the home of a Jewish mystic and Kohen named Ibn Sayyad who like Muhammad wrapped himself in a prophetic mantle recited divinely inspired messages from heaven and called himself “the Apostle of God.” Remarkably not only did most of Medina’s Jewish clans accept Ibn Sayyad’s prophetic claims but the sources depict Ibn Sayyad as openly acknowledging Muhammad as a fellow apostle and prophet. It would be simplistic to argue that no polemical conflict existed between Muhammad and the Jews of his time. But it is important to understand that this conflict had far more to do with political alliances and economic ties than with a theological debate over scripture. This was a conflict fueled primarily by tribal partnerships and tax-free mar- kets not religious zeal. And while Muhammad’s biographers like to present him as debating theology with belligerent groups of “rabbis” who show “hostility to the apostle in envy hatred and malice because God had chosen His apostle from the Arabs” the similarities in both the tone and manner of these events and the stories of the quarrels Jesus had with the Pharisees points to their function as literary topoi not historical fact. Indeed scholars have for centuries been aware of the intentional connection the early Muslims tried to draw between Jesus and Muhammad in an attempt to add legitimacy to the Prophet’ s mission. Bear in mind Muhammad’s biographies were written at a time when the Jewish minority in the Muslim state was Islam’s only remain- ing theological rival. It is not surprising therefore that Muslim histori- ans and theologians would have buttressed their arguments against the

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Fight in the Way of God 99 rabbinical authorities of their time by planting their words in Muham- mad’ s mouth. If Muhammad’ s biographies reveal anything at all it is the anti-Jewish sentiments of the Prophet’ s biographers not of the Prophet himself. T o understand Muhammad’s actual beliefs regarding the Jews and Christians of his time one must look not to the words that chroni- clers put into his mouth hundreds of years after his death but rather to the words that God put into his mouth while he was alive. The Quran as a holy and revealed scripture repeatedly reminds Mus- lims that what they are hearing is not a new message but the “confir- mation of previous scriptures” 12:111. In fact the Quran proposes the unprecedented notion that all revealed scriptures are derived from a single concealed book in heaven called the Umm al-Kitab or “Mother of Books” 13:9. That means that as far as Muhammad understood the T orah the Gospels and the Quran must be read as a single cohesive narrative about humanity’s relationship to God in which the prophetic consciousness of one prophet is passed spiritually to the next: from Adam to Muhammad. For this reason the Quran advises Muslims to say to the Jews and Christians: We believe in God and in that which has been revealed to us which is that which was revealed to Abraham and Ismail and Jacob and the tribes of Israel as well as that which the Lord revealed to Moses and to Jesus and to all the other Prophets. We make no distinction between any of them we submit ourselves to God. 3:84 Of course Muslims believe that the Quran is the final revelation in this sequence of scriptures just as they believe Muhammad to be “the Seal of the Prophets.” But the Quran never claims to annul the previous scriptures only to complete them. And while the notion of one scripture giving authenticity to others is to say the least a remarkable event in the history of religions the concept of the Umm al-Kitab may indicate an even more profound principle. As the Quran suggests over and over again and as the Constitu- tion of Medina explicitly affirms Muhammad may have understood the concept of the Umm al-Kitab to mean not only that the Jews

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100 No god but God Christians and Muslims shared a single divine scripture but also that they constituted a single divine Ummah. As far as Muhammad was concerned the Jews and the Christians were “People of the Book” ahl al-Kitab spiritual cousins who as opposed to the pagans and polytheists of Arabia worshipped the same God read the same scrip- tures and shared the same moral values as his Muslim community. Although each faith comprised its own distinct religious community its own individual Ummah together they formed one united Ummah an extraordinary idea that Mohammed Bamyeh calls “monotheistic pluralism.” Thus the Quran promises that “all those who believe— the Jews the Sabians the Christians—anyone who believes in God and the Last Days and who does good deeds will have nothing to fear or regret” 5:69 emphasis added. It was this conviction of the existence of a unified monotheistic Ummah that led Muhammad to connect his community to the Jews not that he felt the need to emulate the Jewish clans nor that he wanted to facilitate their acceptance of him as a prophet. Muhammad aligned his community with the Jews in Medina because he consid- ered them as well as the Christians to be part of his Ummah. Conse- quently when he came to Medina he made Jerusalem—the site of the T emple long since destroyed and the direction in which the Dias- pora Jews turned during worship—the direction of prayer or qiblah for all Muslims. He imposed a mandatory fast upon his community which was to take place annually on the tenth day Ashura of the first month of the Jewish calendar the day more commonly known as Y om Kippur. He purposely set the day of Muslim congregation at noon on Friday so that it would coincide with but not disrupt Jewish prepara- tions for the Sabbath. He adopted many of the Jewish dietary laws and purity requirements and encouraged his followers to marry Jews as he himself did 5:5–7. And while it is true that after a few years Muhammad both changed the qiblah from Jerusalem to Mecca and set the annual fast at Ramadan the month in which the Quran was first revealed instead of Yom Kippur these decisions should not be interpreted as “a break with the Jews” but as the maturing of Islam into its own independent religion. Despite the changes Muhammad continued to encourage his followers to fast on Yom Kippur and he never ceased to venerate

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Fight in the Way of God 101 Jerusalem as a holy city indeed after Mecca and Medina Jerusalem is the most sacred city in the whole of the Muslim world. Moreover the Prophet maintained most of the dietary purity and marriage restric- tions he had adopted from the Jews. And until the day he died Muhammad continued to engage in peaceful discourse—not theolog- ical debate—with the Jewish communities of Arabia just as the Quran had commanded him to do: “Do not argue with the People of the Book—apart from those individuals who act unjustly toward you— unless it is in a fair way” 29:46. Muhammad’s example must have had a lasting effect on his early followers: as Nabia Abbott has shown throughout the first two centuries of Islam Muslims regularly read the T orah alongside the Quran. Certainly Muhammad understood that there were distinct theo- logical differences between Islam and the other Peoples of the Book. But he saw these differences as part of the divine plan of God who could have created a single Ummah if he had wanted to but instead preferred that “every Ummah have its own Messenger” 10:47. Thus to the Jews God sent the T orah “which contains guidance and light” to the Christians God sent Jesus who “confirms the Torah” and finally to the Arabs God sent the Quran which “confirms the earlier revelations.” In this way the ideological differences among the Peo- ples of the Book is explained by the Quran as indicating God’s desire to give each people its own “law and path and way of life” 5:42–48. That being said there were some theological differences that Muhammad considered intolerably heretical innovations created by ignorance and error. Chief among these was the concept of the T rin- ity. “God is one” the Quran states definitively. “God is eternal. He has neither begotten anyone nor is he begotten of anyone” 112:1–3. Yet this verse and the many others like it in the Quran is in no way a condemnation of Christianity per se but of Imperial Byzantine T rinitarian Orthodoxy which as noted was neither the sole nor the dominant Christian position in the Hijaz. From the beginning of his ministry Muhammad revered Jesus as the greatest of God’s messen- gers. Much of the Gospel narrative is recounted in the Quran though in a somewhat abridged version including Jesus’ virgin birth 3:47 his miracles 3:49 his identity as Messiah 3:45 and the expectation of his judgment over humanity at the end of time 4:159.

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102 No god but God What the Quran does not accept however is the belief of those Orthodox T rinitarians who argued that Jesus was himself God. These Christians Muhammad did not even consider to be Peoples of the Book: “It is the unbeliever who says ‘God is the third of three’ ” the Quran declares. “There is only God the One” 5:73. It was Muham- mad’ s belief that Orthodox Christians had corrupted the original mes- sage of Jesus who the Quran contends never claimed divinity and never asked to be worshipped 5:116–18 but rather commanded his disciples to “worship God who is my Lord and your Lord” 5:72. At the same time Muhammad lashed out at those Jews in Arabia who had “forsaken the community of Abraham” 2:130 and “who were trusted with the laws of the T orah but who fail to observe them” 62:5. Again this was not a condemnation of Judaism. The respect and reverence that Muhammad had for the great Jewish patriarchs is evidenced by the fact that almost every biblical prophet is mentioned in the Quran Moses nearly one hundred and forty times. Rather Muhammad was addressing those Jews in the Arabian Peninsula—and only in the Arabian Peninsula—who had in both belief and practice “breached their covenant with God” 5:13. And if the Jewish clans in Medina were any indication there were many of them. Muhammad’s complaints in the Quran were not directed against the religions of Judaism and Christianity which he considered to be nearly identical to Islam: “We believe in what has been revealed to us just as we believe in what has been revealed to you Jews and Chris- tians” the Quran says. “Our God and your God are the same and it is to Him we submit” 29:46. His complaint was against those Jews and Christians he had encountered in Arabia who in his opinion had forsaken their covenant with God and perverted the teachings of the Torah and Gospels. These were not believers but apostates with whom the Quran warns Muslims not to ally themselves: “O believers do not make friends with those who mock you and make fun of your faith. . . . Instead say to them: ‘O People of the Book why do you dis- like us Is it because we believe in God and in what has been sent down to us the Quran and what was sent down before that the T orah and Gospels while most of you are disobedient’ ” 5:57–59. The point is that when Muhammad reminded the Jews of Arabia of the “favors God bestowed on you making you the most exalted

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Fight in the Way of God 103 nation in the world” 2:47 when he raged against the Christians for abandoning their faith and confounding the truth of their scriptures when he complained that both groups “no longer follow the teachings of the T orah and the Gospel and what has been revealed to them by their Lord” 5:66 he was merely following in the footsteps of the prophets who had come before him. He was in other words Isaiah calling his fellow Jews “a sinful nation a people laden with iniquity offspring of evildoers” Isaiah 1:4 he was John the Baptist lashing out against “the brood of vipers” who assumed that their status as “sons of Abraham” would keep them safe from judgment Luke 3:7–8 he was Jesus promising damnation for the hypocrites who “for the sake of tradition have made void the word of God” Matthew 15:6. After all isn’t this exactly the message a prophet is supposed to deliver It is no coincidence that just as they reversed many of Muhammad’s social reforms aimed at empowering women the Muslim scriptural and legal scholars of the following centuries rejected the notion that Jews and Christians were part of the Ummah and instead designated both groups as unbelievers. These scholars reinterpreted the Revela- tion to declare that the Quran had superseded rather than supple- mented the Torah and the Gospels and called on Muslims to distinguish themselves from the People of the Book. This was largely an attempt to differentiate the nascent religion of Islam from other communities so it could establish its own religious independence much as the early Christians gradually dissociated themselves from the Jewish practices and rituals that had given birth to their move- ment by demonizing the Jews as the killers of Jesus. Nevertheless the actions of these scriptural scholars were in direct defiance of Muhammad’s example and the teachings of the Quran. For even though Muhammad recognized the irreconcilable differences that existed among the Peoples of the Book he never called for a partitioning of the faiths. On the contrary to those Jews who say “the Christians are wrong” and to those Christians who say “the Jews are wrong” 2:113 and to both groups who claim that “no one will go to heaven except the Jews and Christians” 2:111 Muhammad offered a compromise. “Let us come to an agreement on the things we hold in common” the Quran suggests: “that we worship

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�� 104 No god but God none but God that we make none God’s equal and that we take no other as lord except God” 3:64. It is a tragedy that after fifteen hundred years this simple compro- mise has yet to overcome the sometimes petty yet often binding ideo- logical differences between the three faiths of Abraham. AFTER THE EXECUTION of the Banu Qurayza with Medina firmly in his control Muhammad once again turned toward Mecca not as the Messenger of God but as something the Quraysh in their role as Keepers of the Keys could not refuse: a pilgrim. In 628 the year following the Battle of the Trench Muhammad unexpectedly announced that he was going to Mecca to perform the pilgrimage rites at the Ka‘ba. Considering that he was in the middle of a bloody and protracted war with the Meccans this was an absurd decision. He could not have thought the Quraysh who had spent the past six years trying to kill him would simply move out of the way while he and his followers circumambulated the sanctuary. But Mu- hammad remained undaunted. With more than a thousand of his fol- lowers marching behind him he crossed the desert on his way to the city of his birth shouting fearlessly along the way the pilgrim’s chant: “Here I am O Allah Here I am” The sound of Muhammad and his followers unarmed and dressed in pilgrim’s clothes loudly proclaiming their presence to their ene- mies must have rung like a death knell in Mecca. Surely the end was near if this man could be so audacious as to think he could walk into the sacred city unmolested. The Quraysh who rushed out to halt Muhammad before he could enter Mecca were confounded. Meeting him just outside the city in a place called Hudaybiyyah they made one last attempt to preserve their control of Mecca by offering the Prophet a cease-fire the conditions of which were so against Muham- mad’s interests that it must have appeared to the Muslims to be a joke. The T reaty of Hudaybiyyah proposed that in return for his imme- diate withdrawal and the unconditional cessation of all caravan raids in the vicinity of Mecca Muhammad would be allowed to return in the following pilgrimage season when the sanctuary would be evacu- ated for a brief time so that he and his followers could perform the pil-

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Fight in the Way of God 105 grimage rites undisturbed. Adding insult to injury Muhammad would be required to sign the treaty not as the Apostle of God but only as the tribal head of his community. Given Muhammad’s rapidly growing position in the Hijaz the treaty was preposterous more than any- thing it demonstrated the certainty of Mecca’s impending defeat. Perhaps that is why Muhammad’s followers who sensed victory lin- gering only a few kilometers in front of them were so incensed when the Prophet actually accepted the terms. Umar—ever the impetuous one—could barely contain himself. He jumped up and went to Abu Bakr. “Abu Bakr” he asked pointing to Muhammad “is he not the Messenger of God” “Y es” Abu Bakr replied. “And are we not Muslims” “Yes.” “And are they not polytheists” “Yes.” At this Umar shouted “Then why should we grant what is detri- mental to our religion” Abu Bakr who probably felt the same way replied with the only words in which he could take solace: “I bear witness that he is the Messenger of God.” It is difficult to say why Muhammad accepted the Treaty of Huday- biyyah. He may have been hoping to regroup and wait for an oppor- tune time to return and conquer Mecca by force. He may have been observing the Quranic mandate and jihadi doctrine to “fight until oppression ends and God’s law prevails. But if the enemy desists then you must also cease hostilities” 2:193. Whatever the case the decision to accept the cease-fire and return the following year turned out to be the most decisive moment in the battle between Mecca and Medina. For when ordinary Meccans saw the respect and devotion with which their supposed enemy and his band of “religious zealots” entered their city and circled the Ka‘ba there seemed little incentive to continue supporting the war. Indeed a year after that pilgrimage in 630 C.E. after Muhammad interpreted a skirmish between the Quraysh and some of his followers as a breach of the cease-fire he marched once more toward Mecca this time with ten thousand men

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106 No god but God behind him only to find the city’s inhabitants welcoming him with open arms. After accepting Mecca’ s surrender Muhammad declared a general amnesty for most of his enemies including those he had fought in bat- tle. Despite the fact that tribal law now made the Quraysh his slaves Muhammad declared all of Mecca’s inhabitants including its slaves to be free. Only six men and four women were put to death for various crimes and no one was forced to convert to Islam though everyone had to take an oath of allegiance never again to wage war against the Prophet. Among the last of the Quraysh to take that oath were Abu Sufyan and his wife Hind who even as she formally converted to Islam remained proudly defiant barely masking her disgust with Muhammad and his “provincial” faith. When this business was complete the Prophet made his way to the Ka‘ba. With the help of his cousin and son-in-law Ali he lifted the heavy veil covering the sanctuary door and entered the sacred interior. One by one he carried the idols out before the assembled crowd and raising them over his head smashed them to the ground. The various depictions of gods and prophets such as that of Abraham holding divining rods were all washed away with Zamzam water all that is except for the one of Jesus and his mother Mary. This image the Prophet put his hands over reverently saying “Wash out all except what is beneath my hands.” Finally Muhammad brought out the idol representing the great Syrian god Hubal. As Abu Sufyan watched the Prophet unsheathed his sword and hacked the idol into pieces forever ending the worship of pagan deities at Mecca. The remains of Hubal’s statue Muhammad used as a doorstep leading up to the new sanctified Ka‘ba the sanctu- ary that would henceforth be known as “the House of God” the seat of a wholly new and universal faith: Islam.

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������ 5. The Rightly Guided Ones THE SUCCESSORS TO MUHAMMAD A STIRRING AT THE rear of the congregation and every head turns to see Muhammad emerge from Aisha’s apartment to stand in the courtyard of the mosque just as the Friday prayers begin. It has been some time since anyone has seen him out of doors. Rumors about his health have been circulating throughout Medina for weeks. During his long absence Abu Bakr has been leading the Friday ser- vices while the rest of the Companions have kept busy leading expe- ditions managing the state dispensing the tithes and instructing new converts in the ethics and rituals of the Muslim faith. No one would give voice to what everyone was thinking: the Messenger is dying he may already be dead. The year is 632 C.E. Two years have passed since Muhammad walked triumphantly into Mecca and cleansed the Ka‘ba in the name of the one God. At that time he was a robust man at the peak of his political and spiritual power unquestionably the most dominant

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108 No god but God leader in Arabia. Ironically the movement that had begun as an attempt to reclaim the tribal ethic of Arabia’s nomadic past had in many ways struck the final dagger into the traditional tribal system. Soon there will be only the Muslim community the enemies of the Muslim community including the Byzantine and Sasanian empires the client tribes of the Muslim community and the dhimmi Chris- tians Jews and other non-Muslims protected by the Muslim com- munity. Y et despite the enormous power that accompanied his defeat of the Quraysh Muhammad refused to replace the Meccan aristoc- racy with a Muslim monarchy he would be the Keeper of the Keys but he would not be the King of Mecca. Thus once the administrative affairs had been settled and delegations—both military and diplo- matic—dispatched to inform the rest of the Arab tribes of the new political order in the Hijaz Muhammad did something completely unexpected: he went back home to Medina. Muhammad’s return to Medina was meant to acknowledge the Ansar who had provided him with refuge and protection when no one else would. But it was also a statement to the entire community that while Mecca was now the heart of Islam Medina would forever be its soul. It is in Medina that deputations will gather from all over the Peninsula with their pledge that “there is no god but God” though for many this oath is addressed not so much to God as to Muham- mad. It is in Medina that the pillars of the Muslim faith and the foun- dations of Muslim government will be constructed and debated. And it is in Medina that the Prophet will breathe his last. But now the sight of Muhammad standing at the entrance of the mosque a smile wrinkling his bronzed face dispels all those anxious rumors about his health. He looks lean but surprisingly hearty for a man of his age. The long back hair he keeps twisted into plaits is thin and silver. His back bows a bit and his shoulders droop. But his face is as radiant as ever and his eyes still smolder with the light of God. When Abu Bakr catches sight of Muhammad shuffling between the seated bodies grasping the shoulders of friends for support he immediately rises from the minbar—the elevated seat that serves as the pulpit in mosques—to allow the Prophet to take his rightful place at the head of the congregation. But Muhammad signals to his old

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The Rightly Guided Ones 109 friend to remain seated and continue with the service. The prayers resume and Muhammad finds a quiet corner in which to sit down. He wraps his cloak tightly around his body and watches his community pray together in the manner he had taught them to so many years ago: moving as one body and speaking with one voice. He does not stay long. Before the congregation disperses Muhammad stands and quietly makes his way out of the mosque and back to Aisha’s room where he collapses on the bed. Even this short trip to the mosque has weakened him. He has trouble catching his breath. He calls for his beloved wife. When Aisha finally arrives Muhammad is barely conscious. She quickly clears the room of people and drapes the doors for privacy. She sits beside her husband and places his head on her lap gently stroking his long hair whispering soothing words to him as his eyes flicker then slowly close. News of Muhammad’s death spreads rapidly through Medina. For most it is inconceivable that the Messenger of God could have died. Umar for one refuses to believe it. He is so distraught that he immedi- ately runs to the mosque where the community has gathered for news and threatens to pummel anyone who dares say Muhammad is dead. It is up to Abu Bakr to calm the situation. After seeing Muham- mad’s corpse with his own eyes he too goes to the mosque. There he sees Umar rambling incoherently about the Prophet still being alive. He only appears to be dead Umar bellows. He has been taken to heaven like Moses he will return shortly. “Gently Umar” Abu Bakr says stepping to the front of the mosque. “Be quiet” But Umar will not be silenced. In a firm voice he warns those who have accepted Muhammad’s death that they will have their hands and feet cut off for their disloyalty when the Prophet returns from heaven. Finally Abu Bakr can take no more. He raises his hands over the congregation and shouts over Umar “O men if anyone worships Muhammad Muhammad is dead if anyone worships God God is alive immortal” When Umar hears these words he crumples to the ground and weeps.

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110 No god but God Part of the reason for the community’s anxiety over Muhammad’s death was that he had done so little to prepare them for it. He had made no formal statement about who should replace him as leader of the Ummah or even what kind of leader that person should be. Per- haps he was awaiting a Revelation that never came perhaps he wanted the Ummah to decide for themselves who should succeed him. Or perhaps as some were whispering the Prophet had appointed a suc- cessor someone whose rightful place at the head of the community was being obscured by the internecine power struggles already begin- ning to take place among the Muslim leadership. Meanwhile the Muslim community was growing and expanding faster than anyone could have imagined and was in serious danger of becoming unmanageable. Muhammad’s death had only complicated matters so that some client tribes were now openly rebelling against Muslim control and refusing to pay the tithe tax zakat to Medina. As far as these tribes were concerned Muhammad’s death like the death of any Shaykh had annulled their oath of allegiance and severed their responsibility to the Ummah. Even more disconcerting Muhammad’s vision of a divinely inspired state was proving so popular that throughout the Arabian Peninsula other regions had begun to replicate it using their own indigenous leadership and their own native ideology. In Y emen a man named al-Aswad who claimed to receive divine messages from a god he called Rahman an epithet for Allah had set up his own state inde- pendent of Mecca and Medina. In eastern Arabia another man Maslama or Musaylama had so successfully imitated Muhammad’s formula that he had already gathered thousands of followers in Yamama which he had declared to be a sanctuary city. T o scholars like Dale Eickelman the sudden upsurge of these “false prophets” is an indication that Muhammad’ s movement had filled a definite social and religious vacuum in Arabia. But to the Muslims they signaled a grave threat to the religious legitimacy and political stability of the Ummah. And yet the greatest challenge facing the Muslim community after Muhammad’s death was neither rebellious tribes nor false prophets but rather the question of how to build a cohesive religious system out of the Prophet’s words and deeds the majority of which existed solely in the memories of the Companions. There is a ten-

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The Rightly Guided Ones 111 dency to think of Islam as having been both completed and perfected at the end of Muhammad’s life. But while that may be true of the Rev- elation which ended with the Prophet’s last breath it would be a mis- take to think of Islam in 632 C.E. as being in any way a unified system of beliefs and practices far from it. As with all great religions it would take generations of theological development for what Ignaz Goldzi- her calls “the unfolding of Islamic thought the fixing of the modali- ties of Islamic practice and the establishment of Islamic institutions” to take shape. This is not to say as John Wansbrough has famously argued that Islam as we know it originated outside Arabia hundreds of years after the death of Muhammad if such a person even existed. Wansbrough and his colleagues have done remarkable work in tracing the evolution of Islam as it developed in the Judeo-Christian sectarian milieu of seventh-to-ninth-century Arabia and its environs. But Wansbrough’s persistent exaggeration of the non-Arabic mostly Hebrew sources regarding early Islam and his unnecessary disregard of the historical Muhammad has too often made his arguments seem more like “a dis- guised polemic seeking to strip Islam and the Prophet of all but the minimum of originality” to quote R. B. Sarjeant. Polemical arguments aside there can be no doubt that Islam was still in the process of defining itself when Muhammad died. By 632 the Quran had neither been written down nor collected let alone can- onized. The religious ideals that would become the foundation of Islamic theology existed only in the most rudimentary form. The questions of proper ritual activity or correct legal and moral behavior were at this point barely regulated they did not have to be. What- ever questions one had—whatever issue was raised either through internal conflict or as a result of foreign contact—any confusion what- soever could simply be brought before the Prophet for a solution. But without Muhammad around to elucidate the will of God the Ummah was left with the nearly impossible task of figuring out what the Prophet would have said about an issue or a problem. Obviously the first and most urgent concern was to choose some- one to lead the Ummah in Muhammad’s stead someone who could maintain the community’s stability and integrity in the face of its many internal and external challenges. Unfortunately there was little

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112 No god but God consensus as to who that leader should be. The Ansar in Medina had already taken the initiative of choosing a leader from among them- selves: a pious early Medinan convert named Sa‘d ibn Ubayda the Shaykh of the Khazraj. But while the Medinans may have thought their sheltering of the Prophet had given them a preeminent position within the Ummah the Meccans and especially the former Qurayshi aristocracy who still held sway in Mecca would never submit to being ruled by a Medinan. Some members of the Ansar tried to offer a com- promise by choosing co-leaders one from Mecca and one from Me- dina but that too was unacceptable to the Quraysh. It quickly became clear that the only way to maintain both a sense of unity and some measure of historical continuity in the Ummah was to choose a member of the Quraysh to succeed Muhammad specifi- cally one of the Companions who had made the original Hijra to Medina in 622 the Muhajirun. Muhammad’ s clan the Banu Hashim— now dubbed the ahl al-bayt or the “the People of the House of the Prophet”—agreed that only a member of the Quraysh could lead the Ummah though they believed the Prophet would have wanted one of them to succeed him. Indeed quite a large number of Muslims were convinced that during his final pilgrimage to Mecca Muhammad had publicly designated his cousin and son-in-law Ali to be his successor. According to traditions on his way back to Medina Muhammad had stopped at an oasis called Ghadir al-Khumm and declared “Whoever has me as his patron has Ali as his patron mawla.” Y et there were per- haps an equal number of Muslims who not only denied the events at Ghadir al-Khumm but who also vehemently rejected the privileged status of the Banu Hashim as the ahl al-bayt. T o settle matters once and for all Abu Bakr Umar and a promi- nent Companion named Abu Ubayda met with a group of Ansar lead- ers for a traditional shura or tribal consultation actually the three men “crashed” a shura that was already taking place among the Ansar. And while an enormous amount of ink has been spilled over this historic meeting it is still not clear exactly who was present or what took place. The only thing about which scholars can be certain is that at its conclusion Abu Bakr spurred on by Umar and Abu Ubayda was selected to be the next leader of the Muslim community

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The Rightly Guided Ones 113 and given the apt but rather vague title Khalifat Rasul Allah “the Suc- cessor to the Messenger of God”—Caliph in English. What made Abu Bakr’s title so appropriate was that nobody was sure what it was supposed to mean. The Quran refers to both Adam and David as God’ s Caliphs 2:30 38:26 meaning they served as God’ s “trustees” or “vice-regents” on earth but this does not seem to be how Abu Bakr was viewed. Despite the arguments of Patricia Crone and Martin Hinds to the contrary the evidence suggests that the Ca- liphate was not meant to be a position of great religious influence. Certainly the Caliph would be responsible for upholding the institu- tions of the Muslim faith but he would not play a significant role in defining religious practice. In other words Abu Bakr would replace the Prophet as leader of the Ummah but he would have no prophetic authority. Muhammad was dead his status as Messenger died with him. The deliberate ambiguity of his title was a great advantage for Abu Bakr and his immediate successors because it gave them the opportunity to define the position for themselves something they would do in widely divergent ways. As far as Abu Bakr was concerned the Caliphate was a secular position that closely resembled that of the traditional tribal Shaykh—“the first among equals”—though with the added responsibility of being the community’s war leader Qa‘id and chief judge both of which were positions inherited from Muhammad. However even Abu Bakr’s secular authority was severely limited. Like any Shaykh he made most of his decisions through collective consul- tation and throughout his Caliphate he continued his activities as a merchant occasionally supplementing his meager income by milking a neighbor’s cow. Abu Bakr’s chief responsibility as he seemed to have understood it was to maintain the unity and stability of the Ummah so that the Muslims under his care would be free to worship God in peace. But because the restriction of his authority to the secular realm kept him from defining exactly how one was to worship God the door was opened for a new class of scholars called the Ulama or “learned ones” who would take upon themselves the responsibility of guiding the Ummah on the straight path. As we shall see the Ulama would eventually fashion a comprehen- sive code of conduct meant to regulate every aspect of the believer’s

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�� 114 No god but God life. And while it would be a mistake to consider these religious clerics and scholastic theologians as constituting a single monolithic tradi- tion the power of the Ulama and their influence in shaping the faith and practice of Islam cannot be overstated. Caliphs will come and go and the Caliphate as a civil institution will rise and fall in strength but the authority of the Ulama and the power of their religious institu- tions will only increase with time. ABU BAKR WA S in many ways the perfect choice to succeed Muhammad. Nicknamed as-Siddiq “the faithful one” he was a deeply pious and respected man one of the first converts to Islam and Muhammad’s dearest friend. The fact that he had taken over the Fri- day prayers during Muhammad’s lengthy illness was in the minds of many proof that the Prophet would have blessed his succession. As Caliph Abu Bakr united the community under a single banner and initiated a time of military triumph and social concord that would become known in the Muslim world as the Golden Era of Islam. It was Abu Bakr and his immediate successors—the first four Caliphs who are collectively referred to as the Rashidun the “Rightly Guided Ones”—who tended the seed Muhammad had planted in the Hijaz until it sprouted into a dominant and far-reaching empire. While the Ummah expanded into North Africa the Indian subcontinent and large swaths of Europe the Rightly Guided Ones strove to keep the community rooted in the principles of Muhammad—the struggle for justice the equality of all believers care for the poor and marginal- ized—yet civil strife and the incessant power struggles of the early Companions ultimately split the community into competing factions and turned the Caliphate into that form of government most reviled by the ancient Arabs: absolute monarchy. As with most sacred histories however the truth about the era of the Rightly Guided Ones is far more complicated than the traditions suggest. Indeed the so-called Golden Era of Islam was anything but a time of religious concord and political harmony. From the moment Muhammad died there arose dozens of conflicting ideas about every- thing from how to interpret the Prophet’s words and deeds to who should do the interpreting from whom to choose as leader of the

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The Rightly Guided Ones 115 community to how the community should be led. It was even unclear who could and could not be considered a member of the Ummah or for that matter what one had to do to be saved. Again as is the case with all great religions it was precisely the arguments the discord and the sometimes bloody conflicts that resulted from trying to discern God’s will in the absence of God’s prophet that gave birth to the varied and wonderfully diverse institu- tions of the Muslim faith. In fact just as it may be more appropriate to refer to the movements that succeeded Jesus’ death—from Peter’s messianic Judaism to Paul’ s Hellenic religion of salvation to the Gnos- ticism of the Egyptians and the more mystical movements of the East—as “Christianities” so it may be more appropriate to refer to what followed Muhammad’s death as “Islams” clumsy as that sounds. Of course early Islam was not nearly as doctrinally divided as early Christianity. But it is nevertheless important to recognize both the political and as will be discussed in the following chapter the reli- gious divisions within the early Muslim community that were so instrumental in defining and developing the faith. T o begin with the selection of Abu Bakr as Caliph was by no means unanimous. By all accounts only a handful of the most prominent Companions were present at the shura. The only other serious con- tender for the leadership of the Muslim community had not even been informed of the meeting until it was over. At the same time that Abu Bakr was accepting the oath of allegiance or bay‘ah Ali was washing the Prophet’s body preparing him for burial. The Banu Hashim fumed claiming that without Ali the shura was not representative of the entire Ummah. Likewise the Ansar who considered both Ali and Muhammad to be as much Medinan as Meccan—in other words “one of their own”—complained bitterly about Ali’s exclusion. Both groups publicly refused to swear allegiance to the new Caliph. Many in the Muslim leadership—especially Abu Bakr and Umar— justified Ali’s exclusion on the grounds that he was too young to lead the Ummah or that his succession would appear too much like hered- itary kingship mulk: arguments that Muslim scholars and historians are still repeating to this day. In the first volume of his Islamic History M. A. Shaban claims that Ali was never really a serious candidate for

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116 No god but God the first Caliphate because of the reluctance of the Arabs to entrust “young and untried men with great responsibility.” Henri Lammens concurs citing the Arabs’ abhorrence of hereditary leadership to sug- gest that Ali could not legitimately have succeeded Muhammad. As a result most scholars agree with Montgomery Watt that Abu Bakr was “the obvious and only choice for successor.” But these are unsatisfying arguments. First of all Ali may have been young—he was thirty years old at Muhammad’s death—but he was by no means “untried.” As the first male convert and one of Islam’s greatest warriors Ali was widely recognized for both his spiri- tual maturity and his military prowess. In Medina Ali acted as Muhammad’s personal secretary and was his standard-bearer in a number of important battles. He was regularly placed in charge of the Ummah in Muhammad’s absence and as Moojan Momen observes was the only individual free to come and go as he pleased in the Prophet’s house. And no one in the community would have forgotten that only Ali was allowed to assist the Prophet in cleansing the Ka‘ba for God. The proof of Ali’s qualifications despite his age rests in the fact that it was not only the Banu Hashim who pushed for his succession as Caliph. The Prophet’s cousin and son-in-law was supported by the majority of the Ansar from both the Aws and the Khazraj the Abd Shams and the Abd Manaf two powerful and influential clans of Quraysh and a significant number of prominent Companions. Secondly as Wilferd Madelung remarks in his indispensable book The Succession to Muhammad hereditary succession may have been repugnant to the Bedouin Arabs but it was hardly uncommon among the aristocratic Quraysh. In fact the Quraysh regularly chose members of their own families to succeed them in positions of author- ity because as mentioned it was a common belief that noble qualities were passed through the blood from one generation to the next. The Quran itself repeatedly affirms the importance of blood relations 2:177 215 and endows Muhammad’s family—the ahl al-bayt—with an eminent position in the Ummah somewhat akin to that enjoyed by the families of the other prophets. This is a vital point to bear in mind. Regardless of their opinions regarding Ali’s qualifications no Muslim could argue with the fact

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The Rightly Guided Ones 117 that a great many of the prophets and patriarchs of the Bible were suc- ceeded by their kin: Abraham to Isaac and Ismail Isaac to Jacob Moses to Aaron David to Solomon and so on. Faced with this fact opponents of the Banu Hashim claimed that as the Seal of the Prophets Muhammad could have no heir. But considering that the Quran goes to such great lengths to emphasize the congruence between Muhammad and his prophetic predecessors and recognizing the numerous traditions that parallel Ali’s relationship to Muhammad with Aaron’s relationship to Moses one would be hard pressed to ignore Ali’ s candidacy simply on the grounds that it violated the Arab’ s distaste for hereditary leadership. Clearly Ali had a far greater claim to the leadership of the Ummah than tradition has afforded him. The truth is that Ali’s deliberate exclusion from the shura was a result neither of his age nor of the Arab aversion for hereditary leadership. Ali was excluded because of a growing fear among the larger and wealthier clans of the Quraysh that allowing both prophethood and the Caliphate to rest in the hands of a single clan—especially the insignificant Hashim—would too greatly alter the balance of power in the Ummah. Furthermore there seemed to be some anxiety among certain members of the community most notably Abu Bakr and Umar that maintaining a prolonged hereditary leadership within the ahl al-bayt would blur the distinction between the religious authority of the Prophet and the secular authority of the Caliph. Whatever the justifications Ali’ s proponents would not be silenced so it was left to Umar to silence them himself. Having already beaten the leader of the Ansar Sa‘d ibn Ubayda into submission Umar went to the house of Fatima Ali’s wife and Muhammad’s daughter and threatened to burn it down unless she and the rest of the Banu Hashim accepted the will of the shura. Fortunately Abu Bakr restrained him at the last moment but the message was clear: the Ummah was too unstable and the political situation in the Hijaz too volatile for this kind of open dissent to be tolerated. Ali agreed. For the sake of the community he and his entire family surrendered their claim to lead- ership and solemnly swore allegiance to Abu Bakr though it took another six months of cajoling for them to do so.

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�� 118 No god but God As turbulent as the succession to Muhammad may have been there is one detail that should not be lost in the tumult and confusion that led to Abu Bakr’s Caliphate. Implicit in the conflict over who should lead the Ummah was the unanimous conviction among all Muslims that some kind of popular sanction was required to approve the candidate. Certainly this was not a democratic process Abu Bakr was appointed through the consultation of a select group of elders not elected by the Ummah. But the great effort that the Companions went through to achieve some semblance of unanimity is proof that Abu Bakr’s appointment would have been meaningless without the consensus of the entire community. Thus upon becoming Caliph Abu Bakr stood before the Ummah and humbly proclaimed “Behold me charged with the cares of the government. I am not the best among you. I need all your advice and help. If I do well support me if I make a mistake counsel me. . . . As long as I obey God and the Prophet obey me if I neglect the laws of God and the Prophet I have no right to your obedience.” From our privileged position the succession to Muhammad may seem a chaotic affair full of intimidation and disorder: a rigged process to say the least. But it was a process nonetheless and from the Nile to the Oxus and beyond nowhere else had such an experi- ment in popular sovereignty even been imagined let alone attempted. A BU B AKR ’ SWA S a short but highly successful reign—only two and a half years. His principal achievement as Caliph was his military campaigns against the “false prophets” and those tribes who had ceased paying the tithe tax because in true tribal fashion they consid- ered Muhammad’s death to have annulled their oath of allegiance. Recognizing that the defection of these tribes would greatly weaken the political stability of the Ummah and economically devastate the small Muslim régime in Medina Abu Bakr sent his armies to deal ruthlessly with the rebels. The Riddah Wars as these campaigns came to be known sent a powerful message to the Arab tribes that their pledge had been made not to any mortal Shaykh but to the immortal community of God making its retraction both an act of treason against the Ummah and a sin against God.

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The Rightly Guided Ones 119 The Riddah Wars represented Abu Bakr’s conscious effort to maintain the unity of the Arabs under the eternal banner of Islam and the centralized authority of Medina and thus to prevent Muhammad’ s community from dissolving back into the old tribal system. But these must not be mistaken for religious wars the campaigns were intended to reinforce the purely political interests of Medina. Still the Riddah Wars did have the regrettable consequence of permanently associat- ing apostasy denying one’s faith with treason denying the central authority of the Caliph. Like territorial expansion and religious proselytization apostasy and treason were nearly identical terms in seventh-century Arabia. However the relationship between the two has endured in Islam so that even today there are some Muslims who continue to make the unsubstantiated and un-Quranic assertion that the two sins—apostasy and treason—deserve the same punishment: death. It is this belief that has given the Ulama in some Muslim countries the authority to impose capital punishment on apostates by whom they mean anyone who disagrees with their particular interpretation of Islam. Abu Bakr is remembered for one other decision that he made as Caliph. Claiming once to have heard Muhammad say “We the Prophets do not have heirs. Whatever we leave is alms” the Caliph disinherited Ali and Fatima from Muhammad’s property. Henceforth the family of the Prophet was to be fed and clothed only through alms provided by the community. Given that there were no other witnesses to Muhammad’s statement this was a remarkable decision. But what makes the decision even more problematic is that Abu Bakr gener- ously provided for Muhammad’s wives by giving them the Prophet’s house as a bequest. He even gave his own daughter Aisha some of Muhammad’s former property in Medina. Abu Bakr’s actions are often interpreted as an attempt to enfeeble the Banu Hashim and strip the ahl al-bayt of their privileged status as Muhammad’s kin. But it also seems likely that in both providing for Muhammad’s wives and ensuring that their purity would remain invi- olate Abu Bakr was signaling to the community that it was Aisha and the rest of the “Mothers of the Faithful” who were truly the ahl al-bayt. Ali was stunned by Abu Bakr’s decision but he accepted his fate

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120 No god but God without argument. Fatima on the other hand was inconsolable. In the span of a few months she had lost her father her inheritance and her livelihood. She never spoke to Abu Bakr again and when she died a short time later Ali quietly buried her at night without bothering to inform the Caliph. Scholars have long argued that there must have been some other motivation behind Abu Bakr’s decision to disinherit Ali and strip the ahl al-bayt of power. Indeed throughout his short Caliphate Abu Bakr seemed to do everything in his power to prevent Ali from ever attaining a position of authority in the Ummah mostly because of his conviction that prophethood and Caliphate—that is religious and secular authority—should not rest in a single clan lest the two become indistinguishable. But to say that there was no personal ani- mosity between Abu Bakr and Ali would be a lie. Even while Muham- mad was alive there was a great deal of friction between the two men as evidenced by the infamous “affair of the necklace.” As the story goes on the way home from a raid against the Banu al-Mustaliq Aisha—who nearly always followed Muhammad regard- less of whether he was going into battle or negotiating a treaty—was accidentally left behind at one of the campsites. She had slipped away to relieve herself and in so doing she lost a necklace Muhammad had given her. While she searched for it the caravan departed assuming she was still in her litter no one noticed her absence until the follow- ing morning. While the men scrambled about frantically trying to figure out what to do about having lost Muhammad’s beloved wife a camel suddenly entered the camp carrying Aisha and a handsome young Arab and childhood friend of hers named Safwan ibn al- Mu‘attal. Safwan had stumbled upon Aisha in the desert and despite her veil the verse of the hijab had recently been revealed he recognized her at once. “What has caused you to stay behind” he asked. Aisha did not answer she would not violate her hijab. Safwan understood her predicament but was not about to leave Muhammad’s wife in the desert. He rode up to her and extended his hand. “Mount” he said. “May God have mercy on you.” Aisha hesi- tated for a moment then mounted the camel. The two raced to catch

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The Rightly Guided Ones 121 up with the caravan but did not make it to the next campsite until morning. The sight of Muhammad’s veiled wife clinging to Safwan atop the camel launched a wave of rumors throughout Medina. When the story first reached Muhammad he reacted with uncertainty. He did not believe that anything had happened between Aisha and Safwan but the scandal was starting to become disruptive. Already his enemies had produced some deliciously lewd verses about the event. As the days passed he grew cold and distant toward his wife. When he asked her to repent to God so that the matter could be settled and forgiven Aisha flew into a rage. “By God” she said “I will never repent to God of that which you have spoken of.” Offended and unapologetic she stormed out of Muhammad’s house and moved back in with her mother. The absence of his beloved devastated Muhammad. One day he stood among the people and clearly distraught asked “Why are some men hurting me regarding my family and saying falsehoods about them” Although most of his advisers were convinced of her guilt they clambered over one another to praise Aisha’s chastity. “We know nothing but good about your wives” they declared. Only Ali remained adamant that regardless of Aisha’s guilt or innocence the scandal was damaging enough to Muhammad’s reputation to merit divorce. As one can imagine this advice infuriated Aisha’s father Abu Bakr. Eventually Muhammad received a Revelation clearing Aisha of the adultery charges. Overjoyed he rushed to his wife crying “Rejoice Aisha God has revealed your innocence.” Aisha who as all the traditions attest was the only person who could get away with talking back to Muhammad replied “T o God’s praise and your blame” Still she was redeemed and the matter for- gotten. But neither Aisha nor Abu Bakr ever forgave Ali. The schism between the two men widened further when without any consultation whatsoever Abu Bakr decided to appoint Umar as his successor rather than call for another shura. As Wilferd Madelung has clearly demonstrated there is only one plausible explanation for Abu Bakr’s decision: a shura would have undoubtedly revived the

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122 No god but God debate over the rights of the family of the Prophet. Indeed a shura might have led to the succession of Ali who had over the past two years become increasingly popular. The support he already enjoyed from a number of influential clans and Companions could very well have led uncommitted clans to back his candidacy. Granted the vested interests of the Quraysh aristocracy in maintaining the status quo would not have made Ali’s selection certain. But had it come to a con- test between the enormously popular Ali and the fiery rigid misogy- nistic Umar the latter would not have been assured of victory. To avoid that outcome Abu Bakr ignored both tribal tradition and Mus- lim precedent and simply handpicked Umar though again the new Caliph had to be approved by the consensus of the community. As Caliph Umar was exactly what Muhammad had always considered him to be: a brilliant and energetic leader. T all brawny and completely bald Umar was an intimidating presence who when he walked “tow- ered above the people as though he were on horseback.” A warrior at heart he maintained the Caliphate as a secular position but empha- sized his role as war leader by adopting the additional title Amir al- Mu’manin “the Commander of the Faithful.” His superior skills in battle led to the defeat of the Byzantine army in southern Syria in 634 and the capture of Damascus a year later. With the help of the oppressed Syrian Jewish community whom he had freed from Byzan- tine control Umar then devastated the Iranian forces at Qadisiyyah on his way to subduing the great Sasanian Empire. Egypt and Libya fell easily to Umar’s army as did Jerusalem: the crowning achievement of his military campaigns. Surprisingly however Umar proved to be a far better diplomat than anyone could have imagined. Recognizing the importance of appeasing the non-Arab converts who even in his time were begin- ning to outnumber the Arabs the Caliph treated his vanquished ene- mies as equal members of the Ummah and strove to eliminate all ethnic differences between Arab and non-Arab at this point however the latter still had to become a client of the former to convert to Islam. The wealth that poured into Medina as a result of his military victories was distributed proportionately to everyone in the commu- nity including the children. Umar went out of his way to curb the

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The Rightly Guided Ones 123 power of the former Quraysh aristocracy and strengthened his central authority by appointing governors or amirs to administer the Mus- lim provinces both near and far. At the same time he gave his amirs strict instructions to respect the existing traditions and mores of the provinces and not to attempt any radical changes in the way the local peoples had been previously governed. He reorganized the taxation system bringing immense prosperity to the Ummah and created a standing army of trained soldiers who were garrisoned away from the provinces so as to not disturb the local communities. Umar even tried to heal the rift with Ali by reaching out to the Banu Hashim. Though he refused to return Ali’s inheritance he did hand over Muhammad’s estates in Medina as an endowment to be administered by the ahl al-bayt. He connected himself to the Banu Hashim by marrying Ali’s daughter and encouraged Ali’s participa- tion in his government by regularly consulting him on important mat- ters. In fact Umar rarely did anything without consulting a cadre of influential Companions that he kept around him at all times. This may have been because he recognized that his position as Caliph though sanctioned by the Ummah had not been achieved through traditional means. He was therefore keen to avoid seeming despotic in his judgments and was once quoted as saying “If I am a king it is a fearful thing.” Despite his attempts to reach out to the Banu Hashim however Umar continued to uphold as a matter of religious dogma the con- tention that prophethood and the Caliphate should not reside in the same clan. Indeed acknowledging that contention and accepting Muhammad’s statement about having no heirs became for Umar part of the oath of allegiance. Like Abu Bakr Umar was convinced that such power in the Banu Hashim would be detrimental to the Muslim community. Nevertheless he could not ignore Ali’s rising popularity. Not wishing to make the same mistake as Abu Bakr and so further alienate the Banu Hashim Umar refused to handpick a successor choosing instead to gather a traditional shura. On his deathbed he had been stabbed by a mad Persian slave named Firooz Umar brought together the six leading candidates for the Caliphate including at last Ali and gave them three days to decide among themselves who would lead the community after his

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124 No god but God death. It was not long before only two men remained: Ali the scion of the Banu Hashim and a somewhat unremarkable septuagenarian named Uthman ibn Affan. A wealthy member of the Umayyad clan—the clan of Muham- mad’s fiercest enemies Abu Sufyan and Hind—Uthman was a Quraysh through and through. Although an early convert to Islam he had never exhibited any leadership qualities he was a merchant not a warrior. Muhammad deeply loved Uthman but never once entrusted him with leading a raid or an army on his behalf something nearly every other man standing at the shura had done on more than one occasion. But it was precisely his inexperience and lack of political ambition that made Uthman such an attractive choice. He was more than anything else the perfect alternative to Ali: a prudent reliable old man who would not rock the boat. In the end Ali and Uthman were each asked two questions by Abd al-Rahman who despite being Uthman’s brother-in-law had been selected as Hakam between the two men. First would each man rule according to the principles of the Quran and the example of Muham- mad Both replied that they would. The second question was unex- pected. Would each man if selected Caliph strictly follow the precedents set by the two previous Caliphs Abu Bakr and Umar Not only was this a totally unprecedented requirement for leading the community it was obviously meant to weed out one candidate in particular. For while Uthman remarked that he would follow the example of his predecessors in all his decisions as Caliph Ali gave the men in the room a hard stare and answered flatly “No.” He would fol- low only God and his own judgment. Ali’s answer sealed the verdict. Uthman became the third Caliph and in 644 C.E. was promptly endorsed by the Ummah. The Banu Hashim had fumed when Ali was skipped over in favor of Abu Bakr. But Abu Bakr was a highly respected Muslim with impec- cable credentials. The Hashim had been furious with Abu Bakr for ignoring Ali and simply choosing Umar as his successor. But again Umar was a strong leader and without the proper channels there was little they could do but voice their opposition. However when Uth-

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The Rightly Guided Ones 125 man was chosen as Caliph over Ali the Banu Hashim had simply had enough. It was perfectly clear to many in the community that Uthman’s Caliphate was a deliberate attempt to accommodate the old Quraysh aristocracy who were eager to regain their previous status as the élites of Arab society. With Uthman’s selection the House of Umayya was once again in charge of the Hijaz just as it had been before Muham- mad conquered it in the name of Islam. The irony of pledging alle- giance to the clan of Muhammad’s former enemies was not lost on the ahl al-bayt. T o make matters worse rather than trying to heal the ever-widening rift in the community Uthman only exacerbated the situation through his unabashed nepotism and inept leadership. First Uthman replaced nearly all of the existing amirs throughout the Muslim lands with members of his immediate family as though signaling to everyone the preeminence of his clan. Then he dipped regularly into the public treasury to dole out huge sums of money to his relatives. Finally and most dramatically he broke with tradition by giving himself the hitherto unthinkable title Khalifat Allah: “Successor to God” a title that Abu Bakr had explicitly rejected. T o his many ene- mies this decision was a sign of Uthman’s self-aggrandizement. The Caliph it seemed was regarding himself not as the deputy of the Mes- senger but as the representative of God on earth. Uthman’s actions made him a fiercely hated figure. Not only did the Banu Hashim and the Ansar turn against the Caliph so did some of the Umayya’s rival clans—the Banu Zuhra the Banu Makhzum and the Abd Shams—together with some of the most influential Companions including Aisha and even Abd al-Rahman Uthman’s brother-in-law and the man who as arbiter in the shura had been instrumental in giving him the Caliphate in the first place. By the end of his rule Uthman had made so many reckless decisions that not even his most significant accomplishment—the collection and canon- ization of the Quran—could enable him to escape the ire of the Mus- lim community. In Muhammad’ s lifetime the Quran was never collected in a single vol- ume in fact it was never collected at all. As each individual recitation

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126 No god but God poured out of the Prophet’s mouth it was diligently memorized by a new class of scholars personally instructed by Muhammad called the Qurra or Quran readers. Only the most important recitations—those dealing with legal issues—were ever written down primarily on bits of bone scraps of leather and the ribs of palm leaves. After the Prophet’s death the Qurra dispersed throughout the community as the authorized teachers of the Quran. But with the rapid growth of the Ummah and the passing of the first generation of Quran readers certain deviations began to appear in the various recitations. These were mostly insignificant differences reflecting the local and cultural affinities of Muslim communities in Iraq or Syria or Basra they were immaterial to the meaning and message of the Quran. Nevertheless the Medinan establishment became increas- ingly alarmed by these discrepancies and so began plans to do what Muhammad had never bothered doing: to create a single codified uniform text of the Quran. Some traditions claim that the Quran in its present form was col- lected by Abu Bakr during his Caliphate. This is Theodor Noeldeke’s position though even he admits that Abu Bakr’s redaction had no real canonical authority. Most scholars however agree that it was Uthman who in his capacity as the Successor to God authorized a single uni- versally binding text of the Quran in about 650 C.E. But in doing so Uthman once again managed to alienate important members of the community when he decided to round up the variant collections of the Quran bring them to Medina and set fire to them. This decision infuriated the leading Muslims of Iraq Syria and Egypt not because they felt their Qurans were somehow better or more complete than Uthman’s—as mentioned the variations were quite inconsequential—but because they felt that Uthman was over- stepping the bounds of his secular authority as Caliph. Uthman’s response to their grievances was to brand as unbelievers anyone who questioned the authority of the official collection. Agitation against Uthman reached its peak in 655 with revolts break- ing out throughout the Muslim lands against the Caliph’s incompe- tent and often corrupt amirs. In Medina Uthman was openly despised. Once while leading the Friday prayers at the mosque he

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The Rightly Guided Ones 127 was showered with stones hurled from the back of the congregation. A stone hit him in the forehead and he tumbled off the minbar falling unconscious to the floor. Eventually the situation became so dire that a number of prominent Companions from Mecca banded together to beg the Caliph to recall his corrupt governors cease his nepotism and repent before the entire community. However members of his own clan and especially his influential and power-hungry cousin Marwan pressured Uthman not to look weak by humbling himself. Things came to a violent end for Uthman a year later when a massive delegation from Egypt Basra and Kufa marched to Medina to present their grievances directly to the Caliph. While refusing to receive the delegation personally Uthman sent Ali to ask them to return to their homes with the promise that their grievances would be addressed. What happened next is unclear the sources are muddled and con- tradictory. Somehow on their way back home the Egyptian delega- tion intercepted a messenger carrying an official letter that demanded the immediate punishment of the rebel leaders for their insubordina- tion. The letter was signed with the seal of the Caliph. Enraged the delegation reversed course and returned to Medina where with the aid of the Basran and Kufan rebels they laid siege to Uthman’s home trapping the Caliph inside. Most historians are convinced that Uthman did not write that let- ter: he may have been a poor political leader but he was not suicidal. He must have known the rebel leaders would not have accepted their punishment without a fight. Some scholars like Leone Caetani have blamed Ali for the letter arguing that he wanted to depose Uthman and claim the Caliphate for himself but this charge is totally unfounded. There may have been some hostility between the two men and Ali may not have surrendered his aspirations for the Caliphate. But the fact is that Ali faithfully served as one of Uthman’s most trusted advisors throughout his Caliphate and did everything in his power to appease the rebels. It was Ali after all who had per- suaded them to go home in the first place. Even as they were encir- cling Uthman’s home swords drawn Ali maintained his support for the Caliph. Indeed Ali’s eldest son Hasan was among the handful of guards who continued to defend Uthman as the rebels charged into

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128 No god but God his home while his second son Husayn transported water and food to the Caliph throughout the siege at great risk to his own life. Madelung is probably correct in suspecting the true culprit to have been Marwan who many in Uthman’s own circle believed had written the letter. It was Marwan who had advised Uthman to deal harshly with the rebels when they first arrived with their grievances. It was Marwan’s influence that kept Uthman from repenting of his more detrimental actions like heaping riches upon his family from the pub- lic treasury. In fact when the Companions criticized Uthman for pre- cisely this kind of behavior Marwan who benefited most richly from Uthman’s nepotism drew his sword and threatened to kill the most respected members of the Ummah in the presence of the Prophet’s successor. Regardless of who wrote the letter the Egyptian Basran and Kufan rebels—and nearly everyone else in Medina—believed that Uthman had according to all customs failed in his leadership and must as a result voluntarily step down as Caliph. He had in one sense forfeited his oath of allegiance as Shaykh of the Ummah and violated Abu Bakr’s declaration that if the Caliph neglects the laws of God and the Prophet he has no right to obedience. But there was also a small faction of Muslims who called for Uthman’s abdication not on the grounds that he had forfeited his oath of allegiance but because they believed that only a Caliph who was free from sin could be worthy to lead the holy community of God. This faction would come to be known as the Kharijites and despite their small numbers they and their uncompromising beliefs would soon play an important role in determining the fate of the Muslim community. Even as nearly everyone had turned against him Uthman still refused to give up power. As far as he understood his position as Khalifat Allah had been bestowed upon him by God not by man only God could remove the mantle of leadership from him. However as a pious Muslim Uthman refused to attack the rebels who besieged him hoping he could maintain control of the Caliphate without shedding Muslim blood. He therefore commanded his supporters not to fight but to go home and wait for order to be restored naturally. But it was far too late for that.

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�� The Rightly Guided Ones 129 The rebels provoked by a scuffle outside Uthman’s home stormed into the Caliph’s inner chamber where they found him sitting on a cushion reading from the Quran that he himself had col- lected and codified. Ignored by the Companions and virtually unchal- lenged by the guards the rebels asked him one final time to abdicate. When Uthman refused the rebels drew their swords and plunged them into Uthman’s chest. The Caliph fell forward upon the open Quran his blood soaking into its gold-leafed pages. THE CALIPH’S MURDER at the hands of fellow Muslims threw the Ummah into a state of pandemonium. With the rebels still in con- trol of Medina it was unclear what would happen next. There were more than a few Muslims in the Hijaz who would have leaped at the opportunity to succeed Uthman including two of the most promi- nent Meccan Companions T alha ibn Ubayd Allah and Zubayr ibn al- Awwam both of whom had been singled out for their piety by Muhammad. And of course there was Ali. When he heard of Uthman’s assassination Ali was in the mosque praying. Sensing the chaos that would result he quickly returned home to look after his family and especially to find his son Hasan who had stayed behind to try to protect Uthman. The following day when a fragile peace had settled over the city Ali returned to the mosque to find a substantial delegation of Muslims beseeching him to accept the oath of allegiance and become the next Caliph. For nearly a quarter of a century Ali had been pursuing the Caliphate. But now that it was being handed to him he refused to accept it. Given the circumstances Ali’s reluctance was not surprising. If the demise of Uthman had proved anything it was that some form of popular consent was still vital to maintaining the authority of the Caliphate. But with the rebels in control of Medina Egypt and Iraq in revolt Mecca calling for the Caliphate to be restored to the original vision of Abu Bakr and Umar and the Banu Umayya demanding immediate retribution for Uthman’s death popular sanction would have been impossible to achieve. And yet there was still a very large and formidable contingent of Muslims whose unconditional support

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130 No god but God for Ali had not waned over the years. This faction consisted of mem- bers of the Ansar the Banu Hashim some prominent clans of the Quraysh a few leading Companions and several large bodies of non- Arab Muslims especially in Basra and Kufa who together were loosely labeled Shi‘atu Ali the “Party of Ali”: the Shi‘ah. Despite this support it was not until his political rivals in Mecca including T alha and Zubayr promised to pledge him their allegiance that Ali finally succumbed and accepted the mantle of leadership. Insisting that the oath of allegiance be given publicly in the mosque and in the presence of the entire Medinan community Ali ibn Abi T alib cousin and son-in-law to the Prophet finally took his place at the head of the Ummah. Significantly Ali refused the title of Caliph which he believed had been permanently tainted by Uthman. Instead he opted for Umar’s epithet Amir al-Mu’manin “Commander of the Faithful.” With the backing of his party Ali restored order to Medina by announcing a general amnesty to all who had in one way or another played a role in Uthman’s death. This was to be a time of forgiveness and reconciliation not of retribution. The old tribal ways Ali claimed were over. He further appeased the rebellious territories by removing nearly all of Uthman’s kin from their posts as amirs and fill- ing the vacancies with qualified local leaders. Yet Ali’s actions espe- cially his amnesty of the rebels not only enraged the Umayya they paved the way for Aisha to rally support in Mecca against the new Caliph by pinning him with the responsibility for Uthman’s murder. Aisha did not really believe Ali was responsible for Uthman’s death even if she had it is unlikely she would have cared. Aisha loathed Uthman and played a significant role in the rebellion against him. In fact her brother Muhammad was instrumental in the Caliph’s assassination. But having learned from her father Abu Bakr never to entrust the ahl al-bayt with the Caliphate lest the distinction between religious and political authority in the Ummah become con- founded Aisha saw Uthman’s murder as a means to replace Ali with someone she considered more suitable for the position most likely her close allies T alha or Zubayr. It was with the help of these two men that she organized a massive contingent of Meccans and riding atop a camel personally led them into battle against Ali’s forces in Medina.

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The Rightly Guided Ones 131 The Battle of the Camel as it came to be known was Islam’s first experience of civil war or fitnah there would be many more over the next century and a half . In some ways this conflict was the inevitable result not just of the continuing antagonism between the factions of Ali and Aisha but of a steadily evolving debate within the community over the role of the Caliph and the nature of the Ummah. T oo often this debate has been portrayed as strictly polarized between those who considered the Caliphate to be a purely secular position and those who believed it should encompass both the temporal and religious authority of the Prophet. But this simple dichotomy masks the diver- sity of religio-political views that existed in seventh- and eighth- century Arabia with regard to the nature and function of the Caliphate. The astonishingly rapid expansion of Islam into what had to this point been considered the impregnable domains of the Byzantine and Sasanian empires was for most Muslims proof of God’s divine favor. At the same time the encounter with foreign peoples and govern- ments was forcing these Muslims to reexamine the ideals that gov- erned the political structure of the community. And while everyone agreed that the Ummah could remain united only under the authority of a single leader there was still no consensus as to who that leader should be and almost no agreement as to how that leader should lead. On the one hand there were those Muslims like Aisha and her faction who while recognizing the importance of building a commu- nity dedicated to the commandments of God were nonetheless com- mitted to maintaining the secular character of the Caliphate. This faction was referred to as the Shi‘atu Uthman though one should remember that Aisha in no way considered herself as advancing the cause of Uthman whom she considered to have blighted the Caliphate established by her father and his protégé Umar. On the other hand there was the Banu Umayya who in light of Uthman’s lengthy reign as Caliph had fallen under the impression that the Caliphate was now the hereditary property of their clan. It was for this reason that upon Uthman’s death his closest kin Mu‘awiyah the amir of Damascus and the scion of Umayya decided to disregard the events taking place in Medina and instead begin plans to take over the Caliphate himself. In some ways the Shi‘atu Mu‘awiyah as this faction was called represented the traditional ideal

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132 No god but God of tribal leadership though Mu‘awiyah himself seemed to be trying to steer the Ummah in the direction of the great empires of the Byzan- tines and Sasanians. No one was yet calling for the establishment of a Muslim kingdom but it was becoming increasingly clear that the Ummah was now too large and too wealthy to maintain its unity according to the “neo-tribal” system established by Muhammad in Medina. At the opposite end of the spectrum were the Shi‘atu Ali who were committed to preserving Muhammad’s original vision of the Ummah no matter the social or political consequences. Although it is true that some factions within this group thought the Caliphate should incorporate Muhammad’s religious authority it would be a mistake to consider this view the established Shi‘ite position it would eventually become. At this point there were no significant religious differences between the Shi‘ah and the rest of the Muslim community later called the Sunni or “orthodox.” The Party of Ali was nothing more than a political faction that maintained the right of the ahl al- bayt to rule the community in Muhammad’s stead. However there was a small faction within the Shi‘ah who held the more extreme view that the Ummah was a divinely founded institu- tion that could be run only by the most pious person in the commu- nity irrespective of his tribe lineage or ancestry. Eventually called the Kharijites this faction has already been cited for their justification of Uthman’s murder on the grounds that he had broken the com- mands of God and rejected the example of the Prophet making him no longer worthy of the Caliphate. Because the Kharijites stressed the need for a religious authority as Caliph they are often credited with being the first Muslim theocrats. But this was a tiny fractious group whose radically theocratic position was rejected by nearly every other faction vying for control of the Muslim community. What makes the Kharijites so important to Islamic history how- ever is that they represent the first self-conscious attempts at defining a distinctive Muslim identity. This was a group obsessed with estab- lishing who could and could not be considered a Muslim. According to the Kharijites anyone who disobeyed any of the Quranic prescrip- tions or violated the example of the Prophet Muhammad in any way

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The Rightly Guided Ones 133 was to be considered a kafir or unbeliever and immediately expelled from the Ummah. Small as this group may have been they made a lasting contribu- tion to Muslim thought by arguing that salvation comes solely through membership in the Ummah which they considered to be the charismatic and divine community of God. They divided all Muslims into two camps: the “People of Heaven” as the Kharijites referred to themselves and the “People of Hell” by whom they meant everyone else. In this respect the Kharijites can be considered the first Muslim extremists and although the group itself lasted only a couple of cen- turies its austere doctrines were adopted by succeeding generations of extremists to give religious sanction to their political rebellions against both Muslim and non-Muslim governments. Finally it is important to recognize that regardless of their views on the nature and function of the Caliphate no Muslim in seventh- century Arabia would have recognized the distinction our modern societies make between the secular and religious. The primary philo- sophical difference between the Shi‘atu Uthman and the Kharijites for instance was not whether but to what extent religion should play a role in the governing of the state. Thus while the Shi‘atu Ali the Shi‘atu Uthman the Shi‘atu Mu‘awiyah and the Kharijites were above all else political factions all four of these groups were also described in more religiously oriented terms through the use of the word din or “religion” as in din Ali din Uthman etc.. It is difficult to discern where Ali fit into this debate over the nature and function of the Caliphate because as will shortly become apparent he never had a chance to fully embrace the position. It seems clear from the decisions he made upon succeeding Uthman that Ali agreed with the Kharijite position that the Ummah was a divinely inspired community that could no longer abide either by the imperial ideals of the Shi‘atu Mu‘awiyah or by the neo-tribal precedents of Abu Bakr and Umar as envisioned by the Shi‘atu Uthman. Whether Ali thought the Caliphate should fully encompass Muhammad’s religious authority is another matter. Ali was certainly no Kharijite. But he felt deeply his connection to the Prophet whom he had known his entire life. The two men grew

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134 No god but God up together as brothers in the same household and Ali rarely left Muhammad’s side either as a child or as an adult. So it would have been understandable if Ali believed his relationship with Muhammad gave him both the religious and political qualities necessary to lead God’s divine community on the path marked out by the Prophet. But this does not mean Ali considered himself to be divinely appointed to continue Muhammad’s prophetic function as his followers would eventually claim nor does it mean he believed that the Caliphate should necessarily be a religious position. Considering the cunning political maneuvering taking place around him Ali’s attempts to reshape the Caliphate into a position of religious piety if not religious authority seem doomed from the start. Nevertheless Ali was committed to uniting the Ummah under the banner of the ahl al-bayt and in accordance with Muhammad’s egali- tarian principles. Therefore after his forces quickly overwhelmed Aisha’s army at the Battle of the Camel—during which Talha and Zubayr were killed and Aisha seriously wounded by an arrow—rather than punish the rebels as Abu Bakr had done after the Riddah Wars Ali rebuked then pardoned Aisha and her entourage allowing them to return to Mecca unmolested. With Mecca and Medina finally subdued Ali transferred his Caliphate to Kufa in order to turn his attention to Mu‘awiyah who as the son of Abu Sufyan and the cousin of Uthman had appealed to the old tribal sentiments of his Qurayshi kinsmen in order to raise an army against Ali in retribution for Uthman’s murder. In 657 C.E. Ali and his Kufan army met Mu‘awiyah and his Syrian army at a place called Siffin. After a long and bloody battle Ali’s forces were on the verge of victory when sensing defeat Mu‘awiyah ordered his army to raise copies of the Quran on their spears: a message signaling his desire to surrender for arbitration. Most of Ali’ s army and especially the Kharijite faction who had to this point remained loyal to him pleaded with Ali to ignore the ges- ture and continue the battle until the rebels had been punished for their insubordination. But though Ali sensed treachery on Mu‘awiyah’ s part he refused to ignore God’s command that “if the enemy desists then you must also cease hostilities” 2:193. Ordering his army to lay

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The Rightly Guided Ones 135 down their weapons Ali accepted Mu‘awiyah’s surrender and called for a Hakam to settle the dispute between them. This was a fatal decision. The arbitration that followed the Battle of Siffin declared Uthman’s murder to have been unjust and worthy of retribution: a decision that at least on the surface seemed to justify Mu‘awiyah’s rebellion. However far more ominous was the fact that the Kharijites considered Ali’s decision to submit to arbitration rather than mete out God’ s justice upon the rebels to be a grave sin worthy of expulsion from the holy community. Crying “No judgment but God’s” the Kharijites angrily abandoned Ali on the battlefield before the arbitration had even begun. Ali barely had time to absorb the impact of the arbitration. After Siffin he was reluctantly forced to send his army to deal with the Kharijites who had seceded from his party. No sooner had he subdued the Kharijites in what was less a battle than a massacre than he had to turn his attention back toward Mu‘awiyah who during the lengthy arbitration process had managed to reassemble his forces capture Egypt and in 660 C.E. proclaim himself Caliph in Jerusalem. With his armies scattered and his supporters divided along ideological lines Ali mustered what forces he had left and the following year prepared a final campaign against Mu‘awiyah and the Syrian rebels. The morning before the campaign was to begin Ali entered the mosque in Kufa to pray. There he was met by Abd al-Rahman ibn ’Amr ibn Muljam a Kharijite who pushed his way through the crowded mosque shouting “Judgment belongs to God Ali not to you.” Drawing a poisoned sword Ibn Muljam struck Ali on the head. It was a superficial wound but the poison did its work. T wo days later Ali died and with him the dream of the Banu Hashim to unite the holy community of God under the single banner of the Prophet’s family. In a sermon delivered a few years before his assassination Ali remarked that “a virtuous man is recognized by the good that is said about him and the praises which God has destined him to receive from others.” These were prescient words for Ali may have died but he was not forgotten. For millions of Shi‘ah throughout the world Ali

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�� 136 No god but God remains the model of Muslim piety: the light that illuminates the straight path to God. He is in the words of Ali Shariati “the best in speech . . . the best in worship . . . the best in faith.” It is this heroic vision of Ali that has been firmly planted in the hearts of those who refer to the person they believe to have been the sole successor to Muhammad not as the fourth Caliph but as some- thing else something more. Ali the Shi‘ah claim was the first Imam: the Proof of God on Earth. THE CALIPHATE WROTE Sir Thomas Arnold “grew up without any pre-vision.” This was an office that developed not so much through the conscious determination of the Rightly Guided Caliphs but as the result of conditions that the Ummah encountered as it matured from a tiny community in the Hijaz to a vast empire stretch- ing from the Atlas Mountains in West Africa to the eastern edges of the Indian subcontinent. It is not surprising therefore that dis- agreements over the function of the Caliphate and the nature of the Ummah ultimately tore the Muslim community apart forever shat- tering any hope of preserving the unity and harmony that Muhammad had envisioned for his followers. Nor is it surprising that two of the first four leaders of Islam were killed by fellow Muslims though it is important to recognize that both the rebels who murdered Uthman and the Kharijites who assassinated Ali were like their spiritual suc- cessors al-Qaeda far more concerned with maintaining their personal ideal of Muhammad’s community than with protecting that commu- nity from external enemies. After Ali’s death Mu‘awiyah was able to seize absolute control of all the Muslim lands. Moving the capital from Kufa to Damascus Mu‘awiyah inaugurated the Umayyad Dynasty completing the trans- formation of the Caliph into a king and the Ummah into an empire. Mu‘awiyah’s Arab dynasty lasted a very short time from 661 to 750 C.E. Ultimately it was supplanted by the Abassid Dynasty which was carried to power with the help of the non-Arab mostly Persian con- verts who so greatly outnumbered the Arab élites. The Abassids claimed descent from Muhammad’s uncle al-Abass and rallied support from the Shi‘ite factions by moving their capital to Baghdad and mas-

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The Rightly Guided Ones 137 sacring all the Umayya they could find. But the Shi‘ah ultimately rejected Abassid claims of legitimacy and as a result were ruthlessly persecuted by the new Caliphs. While continuing to rule as secular kings the Abassid Caliphs embroiled themselves far more deeply in religious matters than had their Umayyad predecessors. As we shall see the seventh Abassid Caliph al-Ma’mun d. 833 even attempted to impose a measure of imperial orthodoxy upon the Muslims under his rule by launching a short-lived and ultimately unsuccessful religious inquisition against those Ulama who disagreed with his theological beliefs. Although their dynasty lasted well into the eleventh century the later Abassid Caliphs were nothing more than figureheads who wielded no direct authority over the Muslim lands. Even Baghdad their capital was under the control of a Shi‘ite conglomerate of aristo- cratic Iranian families called the Buyids who from 932 to 1062 C.E. ran all affairs of state but still allowed the Abassid Caliph to remain on his powerless throne. Meanwhile in Cairo the Fatimids 909–1171— Shi‘ites who claimed descent from Ali’s wife and Muhammad’s daugh- ter Fatima—established themselves as Baghdad’s rivals maintaining political control over everything from Tunisia to Palestine. And in Spain a lone descendant of the Umayya Abd al-Rahman who had managed to escape from the massacre that took place in Syria founded his own dynasty that not only lasted well into the fifteenth century but became the paradigm of Muslim-Jewish-Christian relations. The Persian Buyid chiefs were eventually replaced by the ethnic Turks who founded both the Ghaznavid Dynasty 977–1186 which claimed suzerainty over northeastern Iran Afghanistan and northern India and the Saljuq Dynasty 1038–1194 which ruled most of the lands east of that. It was the Turks who infiltrating the various sul- tanates as hired militia finally managed to reunite most of the Muslim lands under the single Caliphate of the Ottomans: the Sunni dynasty that ruled from their capital in Istanbul from 1453 until 1924 when they were displaced by the victors of World War I. There is no longer any such thing as a Caliph. With the rise of the modern nation-state in the Middle East Muslims have been strug- gling to reconcile their dual identities as both citizens of independent

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138 No god but God sovereign entities and members of a unified worldwide community. Some have argued a few of them violently that the Caliphate should be restored as the emblem of Muslim unity. These Muslims believe that the ideals of Islam and nationalism are “diametrically opposed to each other” to quote Mawlana Mawdudi founder of the Pakistani sociopolitical movement Jama‘at-i Islami the Islamic Association. Consequently Mawdudi and many others feel that the only legitimate Islamic state would be a world-state “in which the chains of racial and national prejudices would be dismantled.” The twentieth century has witnessed a transformation of the his- toric contest over the function of the Caliph and the nature of the Ummah into a debate over the proper way to combine the religious and social principles of Islam—as defined by Muhammad and devel- oped by the Rightly Guided Ones—with modern ideals of constitu- tionalism and democratic rights. And yet this contemporary debate remains deeply rooted in the same questions of religious and political authority with which the Ummah grappled during the first few cen- turies of Islam. Thus in 1934 the modernist reformer Ali Abd ar-Raziq 1888–1966 argued in his book Islam and the Bases of Government for the separation of religion and state in Egypt by drawing a clear dis- tinction between the authority of the Prophet which he believed was solely limited to his religious function as Messenger of God and the purely secular function of the Caliphate which was nothing more than a civil institution that all Muslims felt free to question oppose and even rise up against. Ar-Raziq claimed that the universality of Islam could be based only on its religious and moral principles which have nothing to do with the political order of individual states. Some years later the Egyptian academic and activist Sayyid Qutb 1906–1966 countered ar-Raziq’s argument by claiming that Muhammad’s position in Medina encompassed both religious and political authority making Islam a unity whose “theological beliefs cannot be divorced in nature or in objective from secular life.” Therefore the only legitimate Islamic state is that which addresses both the material and the moral needs of its citizens. In the 1970s the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini applied a dis- tinctly Shi‘ite interpretation of Qutb’s argument to assume control

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The Rightly Guided Ones 139 over a social revolution that was already under way against Iran’s despotic American-backed monarchy. Appealing both to the historic sentiments of the country’ s Shi‘ite majority and the democratic aspira- tions of its disaffected masses Khomeini argued that only a supreme religious authority could manage the “social and political affairs of the people in the same way as the Prophet had done.” All three of these political leaders were in one way or another trying to restore some sense of unity to what has become a deeply fractured worldwide community of Muslims. Y et without either a cen- tralized political authority like a Caliph or a centralized religious authority like a Pope the only institutions in the modern world that have had any measure of success in uniting the Muslim community under a single banner have been the religious institutions of the Ulama. Throughout Islamic history as Muslim dynasties tumbled over each other Muslim kings were crowned and dethroned and Islamic parliaments elected and dissolved only the Ulama in their capacity as the link to the traditions of the past have managed to retain their self- imposed role as the leaders of Muslim society. As a result over the past fifteen centuries Islam as we know it has been almost exclusively defined by an extremely small rigid and often profoundly traditional- ist group of men who for better or worse consider themselves to be the unyielding pillars upon which the religious social and political foundations of the religion rest. How they gained this authority and what they have done with it is perhaps the most important chapter in the story of Islam.

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������ 6. This Religion Is a Science THE DEVELOPMENT OF ISLAMIC THEOLOGY AND LAW THE INQUISITION BEGINS with a simple question: “Is the Quran created by God or is it uncreated and coeternal with God” Sitting atop his throne of gleaming gold and precious gems the young Abassid Caliph al-Mu’tasim d. 842 remains apathetic as one by one “the learned men of God”—the Ulama—are dragged before him in shackles to answer the Inquisitor’s question. If they admit the Quran is a created thing the dominant theological position of those who are called “Rationalists” they are free to return to their homes and continue their teaching. If however they still contend that the Quran is uncreated the position of the so-called “Traditionalists” they are flogged and thrown into prison. The procession of Ulama continues for hours as al-Mu’tasim sits in silence listening to theological arguments that he himself barely understands. He is bored and noticeably ill at ease. The controversy

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This Religion Is a Science 141 over whether the Quran was created by God or not holds no interest for him. He is a military commander not a scholar. There are revolts to crush and battles to win throughout the Empire. And yet here he must sit flanked by his scarlet-robed viziers themselves theologians not soldiers in command not of an army but of an inquisition that was forced upon him by his older brother the seventh Abassid Caliph al-Ma’mun. “Stand together all of you and speak well of me if you can” al- Mu’tasim recalls his older brother muttering on his deathbed. “If you know of evil I have done refrain from mentioning it for I will be taken from among you and judged by what you say.” There is so much to say al-Mu’tasim thinks as yet another religious scholar is taken away to be tortured by his guards. Nevertheless— always dutiful always loyal to his family—al-Mu’tasim remains silent if only for the sake of his brother’s immortal soul and allows the next scholar to be dragged into his presence. This one is a dark-skinned old man wearing a coarse white turban and filthy loincloth. His long beard is dyed with henna which has bled onto his cheeks and chest. His face is bruised his eyes blackened. He has been tortured already and more than once. Like the rest he is in chains. Yet he stands tall and faces the Caliph without fear. He has been here many times before to defend his position on the Quran against the former Caliph al-Ma’mun. But this is the first time he has stood before al-Ma’mun’s successor. The weathered old man is forced to sit while his name is read to the court. When he is revealed to be none other than Ahmad ibn Hanbal—the immensely popular scholastic theologian and founder of the T raditionalist Hanbali school of law—al-Mu’tasim stiffens. Rising from his throne he points an angry finger at his chief inquisitor Ibn Abi Du’ad another man forced upon him by his brother and shouts “Did you not allege that ibn Hanbal is a young man Is this not a middle-aged Shaykh” The Inquisitor tries to calm al-Mu’tasim explaining that the accused has already been questioned by al-Ma’mun on a number of occasions and in light of his eminence has been given many chances to reconsider his position with regard to the nature of the Quran.

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142 No god but God However he has rebuffed all attempts to make him compromise insisting instead on maintaining his heretical position that the Quran the Speech of God is one with God. T oo exasperated to argue al-Mu’tasim sits back down and allows his Inquisitor to commence the questioning. “Ahmad ibn Hanbal” Ibn Abi Du’ad begins “do you regard the Quran to be created or uncreated” The Caliph leans forward glaring at the old man waiting for his answer. But as he has done so many times before Ibn Hanbal ignores the Inquisitor’s question and instead replies with a slight smile “I tes- tify that there is no god but God.” Al-Mu’tasim sinks back into his throne cursing his brother under his breath while Ibn Hanbal is taken outside suspended between two poles and flogged. Al-Ma’mun had become Caliph by laying siege to Baghdad—the cap- ital of the Abassid Caliphate—and killing his half-brother al-Amin. But because al-Amin had been designated co-Caliph by their father the infamous Harun al-Rashid d. 809 al-Ma’mun was compelled to justify what was essentially an illegitimate usurpation of the Caliphate by claiming divine sanction. God had bestowed the Caliphate upon him al-Ma’mun declared and God must be obeyed. None of this was new of course violent internecine conflict was a regular feature of all Muslim dynasties and most usurpers are forced to legitimize their rule by asserting some kind of divine endorsement. The entire Abassid Empire had excused their usurpation and indis- criminate massacre of the Umayyads by declaring themselves agents of God. But what made al-Ma’mun different from his predecessors was that he seemed honestly to believe that God had given him the Caliphate so that he could guide the Muslim community toward what he understood to be the correct interpretation of Islam. “I am the rightly guided leader” he announced in a letter to the army informing them of the new political and religious order in Baghdad and demanding absolute obedience to his divine guidance. This was a startling statement. Ever since Mu‘awiyah had trans- formed the Caliphate into a monarchy the question of the Caliph’s religious authority had been more or less settled: the Caliph ran the

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This Religion Is a Science 143 civil affairs of the community while the Ulama guided the believers on the straight path to God. Certainly there were Caliphs who exer- cised religious influence over the Ummah. But none had ever dared to set themselves up as some sort of “Muslim Pope” demanding absolute religious obedience from the community. And yet that is exactly what al-Ma’mun who had always thought of himself as a reli- gious scholar first and a political leader second was seeking to do. As a young boy al-Ma’mun had been formally trained in the reli- gious sciences and had distinguished himself as an expert in Islamic law and theology especially in the Rationalist tradition about which more will be said. When he became Caliph he surrounded himself with like-minded Ulama with whom he regularly debated matters pertaining to the attributes of God the question of free will and most importantly the nature of the Quran which al-Ma’mun consid- ered a created thing—wholly separate from God’s essence. Up until this time al-Ma’mun’s position with regard to the Quran was the minority opinion of the Ulama most religious clerics believed the Quran to be coeternal with God. However in the last year of his reign the Caliph declared that henceforth all teachers and scholars of religion had to conform to the doctrine that the Quran was created. Otherwise they would no longer be allowed to teach. Again while the notion that the Caliph could have influence over religious issues was not new this was the first time that a Caliph had made himself the exclusive arbiter of religious authority. It is impos- sible to say what would have happened had al-Ma’mun succeeded in his attempt at what Richard Bulliet has rightly called a “reformulation of Caliphal legitimacy.” Quite likely Islam would be a completely different religion today. The Caliphate might have become a Papacy religious authority could have been centralized within the state and an orthodox Muslim Church would have developed as a result. But al-Ma’mun did not succeed. In fact a few years later under the Caliphate of al-Mu’tasim’s son al-Mutawakkil d. 861 the Inqui- sition was repealed with the understanding that never again would the Caliph embroil himself so explicitly in religious affairs. Indeed al- Mutawakkil swung the theological pendulum to the side of the T radi- tionalists by richly rewarding their Ulama and persecuting the very same Rationalists who had up until his reign enjoyed the favors of the

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�� 144 No god but God court. By the reign of the Caliph al-Qadir d. 1031 the vast majority of the T raditionalist Ulama especially the influential Hanbalites were united under a single doctrine. Unshackled by the state the Ulama were now free to ascend to a position of unquestioned religious authority in the Ummah which they used not only to institutionalize their legal and theological opin- ions into distinct schools of thought but also to formulate a binding comprehensive code of conduct called the Shariah forever transform- ing Islam from a religion into an all-embracing way of life: one that the Ulama claimed sole authority to define. As the ninth-century legal scholar Malik ibn Anas founder of the Maliki school of law once quipped “This religion is a science so pay close attention to those from whom you learn it.” RELIGIONS BECOME INSTITUTIONS when the myths and ritu- als that once shaped their sacred histories are transformed into authoritative models of orthodoxy the correct interpretation of myths and orthopraxy the correct interpretation of rituals though one is often emphasized over the other. Christianity may be the supreme example of an “orthodoxic” religion it is principally one’s beliefs— expressed through creed—that make one a faithful Christian. On the opposite end of the spectrum is Judaism a quintessentially “ortho- praxic” religion where it is principally one’s actions—expressed through the Law—that make one an observant Jew. It is not that beliefs are irrelevant in Judaism or actions unimportant in Christian- ity. Rather it is that of the two religions Judaism places far greater emphasis on orthopraxic behavior than does Christianity. Like Judaism Islam is primarily an orthopraxic religion so much so that Wilfred Cantwell Smith has suggested translating the word Sunni as “orthoprax” rather than “orthodox.” However because the Ulama have tended to regard Islamic practice as informing Islamic theology orthopraxy and orthodoxy are intimately bound together in Islam meaning questions of theology or kalam are impossible to sep- arate from questions of law or fiqh. For this reason the Ulama often dismissed the practice of pure speculative theology as insignificant babble kalam means “talking” or

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This Religion Is a Science 145 “speech” and Muslim theologians were often pejoratively referred to as ahl al-kalam the “People of Talking”. What most concerned the Ulama from the first days of the Islamic expansion especially as the Ummah became ever more widely dispersed and varied with regard to language and culture was not so much theological arguments about the attributes of God though as we shall see this would eventually become vigorously debated among scholars but rather the formaliza- tion of specific ways to express faith through ritual. Their ultimate objective was to form strict guidelines that would establish exactly who was and who was not a Muslim. The result of their labors became what is now commonly known as the Five Pillars of Islam. The Five Pillars constitute the principal ritual activities of the Muslim faith. Yet as John Renard remarks the Pillars are not meant to “reduce the spirit and life of a complex global community to a clus- ter of religious practices.” More than anything the Five Pillars are meant as a metaphor for Islam they are a summary not just of what is required to be a member of the Ummah but also of what it means to be a Muslim. Contrary to perception the Pillars are not oppressive obliga- tions—quite the opposite. These are highly pragmatic rituals in that the believer is responsible only for those tasks that he or she is able to perform. Nor are the Pillars mere perfunctory actions. The single most important factor in the performance of any Muslim ritual is the believer’s intention which must be consciously proclaimed before the ritual can begin. Ultimately the Pillars are intended to be “a totality of actions” which according to Mohamed A. Abu Ridah are not merely “verbal and bodily but above all mental and moral per- formed according to certain conditions of conscious intention of external and internal purity presence of mind humility and submis- siveness of the heart creating within the soul of the believer a real life of religious devotion and spirituality.” With the exception of the main Pillar the shahadah or profession of faith which will be discussed last these are all fundamentally com- munal activities. In fact the primary purpose of the Five Pillars is to assist the believer in articulating through actions his or her member- ship in the Muslim community. The ancient Kharijite ideal of the Ummah as a charismatic and divinely inspired community through

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146 No god but God which salvation is achieved has become the standard orthodox doc- trine of the vast majority of Muslims in the world who without a cen- tralized religious authority and with no Church or standardized religious hierarchy view the community as the nucleus of the Muslim faith. Put simply the community is the Church in Islam: the “bearer of values” to use Montgomery Watt’s oft-quoted phrase. The Ummah confers meaning and purpose on the believer whose national ethnic racial and sexual identity are and always will be subordinate to his or her membership in the worldwide community of Muslims: a commu- nity not bound by any borders geographic or temporal. Thus when one fasts during the month of Ramadan or joins in the Friday prayers one does so with the knowledge that all Muslims—from the first days of Muhammad’s preaching until today and in every part of the world—fast and pray in precisely the same way at precisely the same time. The first Pillar and the first distinctly Muslim practice enacted by Muhammad in Mecca is salat or ritual prayer. There are two kinds of prayer in Islam: du‘ a which refers to individual informal communica- tion between the believer and God and salat which is the ritualized obligatory prayer performed five times a day: sunrise noon after- noon sunset and evening. Salat which means “to bow bend or stretch” is composed of a series of yogic movements that include standing bowing rising sitting turning east and west and falling prostrate all repeated in cycles and accompanied by specific verses from the Quran. As with all Muslim rituals salat can begin only after the intention to pray is voiced and only while the Muslim faces toward Mecca the direction of prayer or qiblah. Although salat can be performed indi- vidually as a means to purify and cleanse the soul it is meant to be a communal act that binds the Ummah as a single body. For this reason it is always preferable to perform salat in a place of assembly. Indeed one particular salat—the noon prayer on Fridays salat al-jum‘ a— must be performed in the mosque in the presence of the community. And while five daily prayers may seem like a heavy burden the obliga- tion is suspended for the sick those who are traveling or anyone else

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This Religion Is a Science 147 who is unable to perform them for any justifiable reason if one wishes missed salats can always be made up at a later time. The second Pillar was also established in the early years of Muhammad’s movement in Mecca. This is the paying of alms or zakat. As previously explained zakat is alms given as a tax to the com- munity which is then distributed to the poor to ensure their care and protection. It is not a voluntary tithe it is a religious obligation. Zakat literally means “purification” and it is a reminder to all Muslims of their social and economic responsibilities to the Ummah. Of course zakat is paid only by those who can afford to do so otherwise one would receive zakat. As the Ummah developed into an empire zakat transformed from an obligatory almsgiving to a sort of state tax levied on all Muslims as mentioned earlier non-Muslims such as Christians and Jews paid a wholly separate “protection tax” called jizya. During the height of the Caliphate it was common practice to use zakat to fund the army—a practice that caused an uproar from many in the Muslim community. With the end of the Caliphal period and the rise of the modern nation-state Muslim governments increasingly took upon themselves the role of collecting and distributing zakat. Indeed the payment of zakat though deliberately differentiated from regular state taxes has become mandatory in a number of Muslim countries including Pa- kistan Libya Yemen and Saudi Arabia the latter of which imposes zakat on both individuals and businesses. However most Muslims continue the traditional practice of paying zakat individually to their local mosque or religious institution which then distributes the funds to the neediest members of the community. The third Pillar the month-long Muslim fast sawm in Arabic which takes place during Ramadan was not firmly instituted as a Mus- lim ritual until after the emigration to Medina. Considering that the concept of fasting was thoroughly foreign to the Bedouin experi- ence—it would have been absurd to go voluntarily without food or water in a desert climate—there can be no doubt that Muhammad adopted this ritual from Arabia’s Jews. The Quran admits as much when it states “Fasting is prescribed for you just as it was prescribed for those before you” 2:183 emphasis added. And al-T abari notes that the first Muslim fast coincided with Y om Kippur Muhammad specifically

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148 No god but God ordered his followers to fast with the Jews in commemoration of their flight from Egypt. Only later was the fast changed to Ramadan the month in which Muslims believe the Quran was first revealed to Muhammad. For the twenty-eight days of Ramadan no one may eat drink or have sexual intercourse between sunup and sundown. Again the chief purpose behind the ritual fast is to bind the community as one. It is a reminder of the suffering and poverty of those among them who go without food throughout the year. For this reason Muslims who are not obliged to fast—the old and the sick the pregnant and nursing travelers and those who perform heavy manual labor—are instead required by the Quran to feed the hungry 2:184. And while an entire month of fasting may sound like a grim experience Ramadan is in actuality a time for both spiritual introspection and festive celebra- tion. Friends families entire neighborhoods spend the long nights of the month breaking fast together while the final night of Ramadan Eid al-Fitr is the most widely celebrated holiday in the whole of the Islamic world. The fourth and perhaps the most famous Pillar is the annual Hajj pilgrimage to Mecca. All Muslims must if possible journey to Mecca at least once in their lives to take part in the sacred rites of the Ka‘ba. T echnically the rites at the Ka‘ba can be performed anytime in what is known as the “lesser pilgrimage” or umra. However the Hajj itself takes place only during the last month of the lunar year when the sacred city swells to accommodate the crowds of pilgrims like a “mother’s uterus that miraculously makes room for its child” to quote the famed twelfth-century Spanish scholar and poet Ibn Jubayr. Like their pagan counterparts Muslim pilgrims travel to Mecca to experience the transformative effects of the Ka‘ba. But unlike the pagan sanctuary the Muslim Ka‘ba is not a repository of the gods. Rather it is a symbol for the living presence of the one and only God. The Ka‘ba it must be understood has no architectural significance. It is a cube—the simplest form a building can take—veiled in black which is no color and rimmed with the word of God. It is not a tem- ple in the traditional sense. It no longer has any intrinsic sanctity it has been torn down and rebuilt a number of times. Though dubbed “the House of God” the Ka‘ba houses nothing save for a few Qurans

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This Religion Is a Science 149 and some ancient relics. Yet in its utter simplicity the Ka‘ba and the rites associated with it function as a communal meditation on the Oneness and Unity of God a concept that will be more fully explored below. The Hajj begins when the pilgrims cross the consecrated thresh- old of the Grand Mosque which surrounds the Ka‘ba separating the sacred from the profane. T o come into the presence of the sanctuary pilgrims must rid themselves of their ordinary clothes and don the sanctified garments—two seamless white pieces of cloth for men any similar plain garment for women—that signify a state of purity ihram. The men shave their heads and trim their beards and nails the women clip a few locks of hair. Once this sanctified state has been reached the intention to per- form the rites is voiced and the pilgrim embarks on the tawaf: the seven circumambulations of the sanctuary which still function as the principal ritual of the pilgrimage. While in every corner of the world—from the farthest fringes of sub-Saharan Africa to the affluent suburbs of Chicago—Muslims face the Ka‘ba in prayer when they are gathered in Mecca the Ka‘ba becomes the axis of the world and every direction is the direction of prayer. It is one might say the centrifugal force of praying in the presence of the sacred shrine that compels the worshipper to orbit the sanctuary. Once the circumambulations are complete the pilgrim moves on to a series of rituals that according to tradition were established by Muhammad in the last year of his life. These include running back and forth between the twin hills Safah and Marwah to commemorate Hagar’s search for water traveling to Mt. Arafat the refuge of Adam and Eve after they were exiled from Eden and the site of Muham- mad’s final sermon the stoning of three pillars at Mina which repre- sent the Devil and finally the sacrifice of sheep cows or lambs to mark the end of the pilgrimage the meat is then distributed to the poor. When the rites are complete the pilgrim removes the sancti- fied garments and reenters the world of the profane as a Hajji the next time the garments are worn will be as a burial shroud. The Hajj is the supreme communal event in Islam. It is the only major Muslim ritual in which men and women participate with no division between them. In the sanctified state when every pilgrim is

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150 No god but God identically dressed there is no longer any rank or class or status there is no gender and no ethnic or racial identity: there is no identity whatsoever save as Muslims. It was precisely this communal spirit that Malcolm X referred to when he wrote during his own pilgrimage “I have never before seen sincere and true brotherhood practiced by all colors together.” These four rituals—communal prayer the paying of alms the fast of Ramadan and the Hajj pilgrimage—provide meaning to the Muslim faith and unity to the Muslim community. Yet one could argue that the primary function of these four is to express the fifth and most important Pillar and the only one requiring belief rather than action: the shahadah or profession of faith which initiates every convert into the Muslim faith. “There is no god but God and Muhammad is God’s Messenger.” This deceptively simple statement is not only the basis for all arti- cles of faith in Islam it is in some ways the sum and total of Islamic theology. This is because the shahadah signifies recognition of an exceedingly complex theological doctrine known as tawhid. The doctrine of tawhid is so central to the development of Islamic theology that “the Science of Kalam” ‘ilm al-kalam is synonymous with “the Science of T awhid” ‘ilm al-tawhid. But tawhid which liter- ally means “making one” implies more than just monotheism. True there is only one God but that is just the beginning. Tawhid means that God is Oneness. God is Unity: wholly indivisible entirely unique and utterly indefinable. God resembles nothing in either essence or attributes. “Nothing is like Him” the mystic and scholar Abu Hamid al- Ghazali 1058–1111 wrote in his Revival of the Religious Sciences “and He is not like anything.” God is as the Quran repeatedly reminds believers “elevated” God is “eminent.” When Muslims cry Allahu Akbar literally “God is greater” what they mean is not that God is greater than this or that but that God is simply greater. Obviously human beings have no choice but to speak of God in human language through human symbols and metaphors. Therefore one can refer to God’s attributes as embodying “Goodness” or

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This Religion Is a Science 151 “Being” in the classical philosophical sense but only with the recog- nition that these are meaningless terms when applied to God who is neither substance nor accident. Indeed tawhid suggests that God is beyond any description beyond any human knowledge. “Imagination does not reach Him” stressed the Egyptian theologian al-Tahawi d. 933 “and understanding does not comprehend Him.” God is in other words wholly Other: the Mysterium Tremendum to borrow Rudolph Otto’s famous phrase. Because tawhid insists that God is One a group of Muslim mys- tics called the Sufis will claim that there can be nothing apart from God. God is according to the Sufi master Ibn al-Arabi the only being with real existence: the only reality. For al-Ghazali God is al-Awwal “the First before whom there is nothing” and al-Akhir “the Last after whom there is nothing.” Al-Ghazali it must be understood is making neither an ontological nor a teleological argument for the existence of God God is neither Thomas Aquinas’ s “First Cause” nor Aristotle’s “Prime Mover.” God is the only cause God is movement itself. If tawhid is the foundation of Islam then its opposite shirk is Islam’s greatest sin for which some Muslims claim there can be no forgiveness see the Quran 2:116. In its simplest definition shirk means associating anything with God. But like tawhid shirk is not so simple a concept. Polytheism is obviously shirk but so is obscuring God’s Oneness in any way. For Muslims the T rinity is shirk for God is nothing if not Unity. Any attempt to anthropomorphize God by endowing the Divine with human attributes thereby limiting or restricting God’s dominion could be shirk. But shirk can also be defined as placing obstacles in the way of God whether greed or drink or pride or false piety or any other grave sin that keeps the believer apart from God. Ultimately tawhid implies recognizing creation as a “universal unity” to quote Ali Shariati without divisions into “this world and the hereafter the natural and the supernatural substance and meaning spirit and body.” In other words the relationship between God and creation is like that between “light and the lamp that emits it.” One God one Creation. One God. One God.

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152 No god but God As the starting point for all doctrinal discussions in Islam the Oneness and Unity of God clearly raise some theological problems. For exam- ple if God is absolutely omnipotent then is God also responsible for evil Does humanity have the free will to choose between right and wrong or are we all predetermined for either salvation or damnation And how is one to interpret God’s attributes—God’s Knowledge God’s Power and especially God’s Speech as recorded in the Quran Is the word of God coexistent with God or is it a created thing like nature and the cosmos Does not an answer either way necessarily compromise Divine Unity Given the relationship between religion and politics in early Islam it is not surprising that these distinctly theological questions also had important political implications. The Umayyad Caliphs for instance were eager to exploit the argument for God’s determinate power to sanction their absolute authority over the Ummah. After all if the Umayyads were the chosen deputies of God then all of their actions were in effect decreed by God. This idea was adopted by the distinguished theologian Hasan al-Basra 642–728 who claimed that even a wicked Caliph must be obeyed because he had been placed on the throne by God. And yet al-Basra was no predeterminist: his position on the Ca- liphate reflected his political quietism and his anti-Kharijite stance not his theological views. Like the Qadarite school of theology with which he is often associated al-Basra believed that God’s foreknowledge of events did not necessarily correspond to predeterminism: God may know what one is going to do but that does not mean God forces one to do it. Some theologians within the Qadarite school went one step further to claim that God cannot know our actions until they occur a notion that understandably offended the more traditionalist theolo- gians who believed the doctrine of tawhid necessitated the belief in God’s determinate power. If the Creator and Creation are one they argued then how could humanity contradict the will of God But the “predeterminists” were themselves divided between those like the radical sect of the Jahmites who considered all human activities including salvation to be predetermined by God and those like the followers of the aforementioned legal scholar Ahmad ibn

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This Religion Is a Science 153 Hanbal 780–855 who accepted God’s absolute control over human affairs but still maintained humanity’s responsibility for reacting posi- tively or negatively to the circumstances predetermined by God. By the ninth and tenth centuries this debate over determinism and free will was loosely divided between two major strands of thought: the so-called “Rationalist position” most clearly represented by the Mu‘tazilite school and the “T raditionalist” position dominated by the Ash‘arite school. The Rationalist Ulama of the Mu‘tazilah argued that God while fundamentally indefinable nevertheless exists within the framework of human reason. Challenging the notion that religious truth could be accessed only through divine revelation the Mu‘tazilah promulgated the doctrine that all theological arguments must adhere to the principles of rational thought. Even the interpre- tation of the Quran and the traditions or Sunna of the Prophet were for the Rationalists subordinate to human reason. As Abd al-Jabbar d. 1024 the most influential Mu‘tazilite theologian of his time argued the “truthfulness” of God’s word cannot be based solely on God’s Revelation for that would be circular reasoning. The Spanish philosopher and physician Ibn Rushd 1126–98 better known as Averroës in the West pushed al-Jabbar’s conception of truth to its limit by proposing a “two truths” theory of knowledge in which religion and philosophy are placed in opposition to each other. According to Ibn Rushd religion simplifies the truth for the masses by resorting to easily recognizable signs and symbols regard- less of the doctrinal contradictions and rational incongruities that inevitably result from the formation and rigid interpretation of dogma. Philosophy however is itself truth its purpose is merely to express reality through the faculty of human reason. It is this commitment to what Binyamin Abrahamov calls “the overwhelming power of reason over revelation” that has led modern scholars to label the Mu‘tazilah the first speculative theologians in Islam. And it was precisely this emphasis on the primacy of human reason that the Traditionalist Ulama of the Ash‘ari so strenuously opposed. The Ash‘ari argued that human reason while certainly important must nevertheless be subordinate to the Quran and the Sunna of the Prophet. If religious knowledge could be gained only through rational

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154 No god but God speculation as the Mu‘tazilah claimed there would be no need for prophets and revelations the result would be a confusion of theologi- cal diversity that would allow people to follow their own wills rather than the will of God. The Ash‘ari considered reason to be unstable and changing while the prophetic and scriptural traditions—especially as they were defined by the T raditionalist Ulama—were stable and fixed. With regard to the question of free will Rationalist theologians adopted and expanded the view that humanity was perfectly free to act in either goodness or evil meaning that the responsibility for salva- tion rested directly in the hands of the believer. After all it would be irrational for God to behave so unjustly as to will belief and unbelief upon humanity then reward one and punish the other. Many Tradi- tionalists rejected this argument on the grounds that it seemed to compel God to act in a rational and therefore human manner. This according to the Ash‘ari was shirk. As the omnipotent creator of all things God must be the progenitor “of the good and evil of the little and the much of what is outward and what is inward of what is sweet and what is bitter of what is liked and what is disliked of what is fine and what is bad of what is first and what is last” to quote the Hanbali creed unquestionably the most influential school of thought in the modern world. The Rationalist and T raditionalist theologians further differed in their interpretation of God’s attributes. Both believed that God was eternal and unique and both grudgingly acknowledged the anthropo- morphic descriptions of God provided by the Quran. However while most Rationalists interpreted these descriptions as merely figurative devices intended for poetical purposes most Traditionalists rejected all symbolic interpretations of the Revelation claiming that the Quran’s references to God’s hands and face while not meant to be likened to human hands or faces must nevertheless be read literally. God has a face argued Abu’l Hasan al-Ash‘ari 873–935 founder of the Ash‘arite school because the Quran says so “the face of your Lord will endure forever” 55:27 and it is not our place to ask how or why. Indeed the Ash‘arites often responded to the rational incon- gruities and internal contradictions that resulted from their rigid interpretation of religious doctrine by cultivating a formula of bila kayfa loosely translated as “Don’t ask why.”

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�� This Religion Is a Science 155 This formula horrified the Rationalists and especially scholars such as Ibn Sina Avicenna in the West 980–1037 who considered God’ s attributes—God’ s knowledge speech etc.—to be nothing more than “guideposts” that merely reflected the human mind’s under- standing of the Divine not the Divine itself. The Rationalists argued that God’s attributes could not possibly exist coeternally with God but must be a part of creation. Assigning eternal attributes to God would according to Wasil ibn Ata d. 748 founder of the Mu‘tazilite school be tantamount to arguing for the existence of more than one eternal being. The Traditionalist Ulama rejected Wasil’s argument countering that while God’s attributes may be separate entities they nevertheless inhere in God’s essence and are consequently eternal. “His attributes are from eternity” claimed Abu Hanifah the T raditionalist founder of the Hanafi school of law the largest school of law in the modern Mus- lim world. “Whoever says they are created or originated . . . is an unbeliever.” Of course when talking about the relationship between God’s attributes and God’s essence both the Rationalists and the T radition- alists had one particularly significant attribute in mind: God’s Speech that is the Quran. A WONDERFUL STOR Y is told about the conversion of the Caliph Umar to Islam. Umar’s fierce pride in his pagan ancestry and his tribal heritage initially led him to lash out violently against Muhammad and his followers. In fact Umar had at one time planned to murder Muhammad in order to put an end to his disruptive movement. But as he was on his way to find the Prophet a friend informed him that his own sister had accepted the new religion and was at that moment meeting with one of the believers in her home. Furious Umar drew his sword and rushed to her house determined to kill her for betraying their family and tribe. Before he could enter however he heard the sacred words of the Quran recited from within. The power and ele- gance of the recitation fixed him to the spot. He dropped his sword. “How fine and noble is this speech” he declared his eyes filling with tears. And like Saul of T arsus who was struck blind by the vision

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156 No god but God of Jesus admonishing him to stop his persecution of the Christians Umar was transformed by divine intervention: not because he saw God but because he heard God. It has been said that the medium through which humanity experiences “the miraculous” can alter dramatically according to time and place. In the age of Moses for example miracle was primarily experienced through magic. Moses was forced to prove his prophetic credentials by transforming a rod into a snake or more spectacularly by parting the Red Sea. By the time of Jesus the experience of miracle had for the most part shifted to the field of medicine which also included exorcism. The disciples may have believed Jesus to be the promised Messiah but there is little doubt that the rest of Judea saw him as merely another wandering healer almost everywhere Jesus went he was constantly challenged to demonstrate his prophetic identity not by performing magical feats but by healing the sick and the lame. In Muhammad’s time the medium through which miracle was primarily experienced was neither magic nor medicine but language. Predominantly oral societies like Muhammad’s often viewed words as being infused with mystical power. The ancient Greek bard who sang of Odysseus’ wanderings and the Indian poet who chanted the sacred verses of the Ramayana were more than mere storytellers they were the mouthpieces of the gods. When at the start of each new year the Native American shaman recounts his tribe’s creation myths his words not only recall the past they fashion the future. Communities that do not rely on written records tend to believe that the world is continuously recreated through their myths and rituals. In these soci- eties poets and bards are often priests and shamans and poetry as the artful manipulation of the common language is thought to possess the divine authority necessary to express fundamental truths. This was particularly true in pre-Islamic Arabia where poets had an extraordinarily elevated status in society. As Michael Sells docu- ments in Desert Tracings at the start of each pilgrimage season ancient Mecca’s best poets had their verses embroidered in gold on expensive Egyptian cloth banners and suspended from the Ka‘ba not because their odes were of a religious nature they were most often about the beauty and majesty of the poet’s camel but because they possessed

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This Religion Is a Science 157 an intrinsic power that was naturally associated with the Divine. It was this same intrinsic divinity of words that led the Kahins to present their oracular pronouncements through poetry: it would have been inconceivable for the gods to speak in any other way. Obviously it is difficult for non-Arabic speakers to appreciate the exquisite quality of the Quran’s language. But it may be sufficient to note that the Quran is widely recognized as the Arabic language at its poetic height. Indeed in codifying the idiom and dialect of the Hijaz the Quran essentially created the Arabic language. As a text the Quran is more than the foundation of the Islamic religion it is the source of Arabic grammar. It is to Arabic what Homer is to Greek what Chaucer is to English: a snapshot of an evolving language frozen forever in time. As the “the supreme Arab event” to quote Kenneth Cragg the Quran is regarded by most Muslims as Muhammad’s sole miracle. Like the prophets who came before him Muhammad was repeatedly urged to prove his divine mission through miraculous acts. But when- ever he was challenged in this way he insisted that he was nothing more than a messenger and his message was the only miracle he had to offer. And unlike the miracles of other prophets which are con- fined to a particular age Muhammad’s miracle of the Quran would in the words of the twelfth-century mystic Nadjm ad-Din Razi Daya 1177–1256 “remain until the end of the world.” Daya was appealing to a fundamental belief in Islam that in both speech and form the Quran is incomparable to any other religious or secular writing the world has seen. Muhammad himself often chal- lenged the pagan poets of his time to match the splendor of the Quran saying “If you are in doubt of what we have revealed . . . then bring a verse like it. But if you cannot—and indeed you cannot— then guard yourself against the Fire whose fuel is men and stones” 2:23–4 also 16:101. While the concept of the Umm al-Kitab “the Mother of Books” means that the Quran is spiritually connected to other sacred scrip- tures unlike the Torah and the Gospels—both of which consist of individual books written by many different writers over hundreds of years conveying the experience of encountering the Divine in his- tory—the Quran is considered to be direct revelation tanzil the

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158 No god but God actual words of God handed down through Muhammad who was little more than a passive conduit. In purely literary terms the Quran is God’s dramatic monologue. It does not recount God’s communion with humanity it is God’s communion with humanity. It does not reveal God’s will it reveals God’s self. And if the doctrine of tawhid forbids any division in the Divine Unity then the Quran is not just the Speech of God it is God. This was precisely what the Traditionalist Ulama argued. If God is eternal then so are the divine attributes which cannot be separated from God’s self. This would make the Quran as God’s Speech an eternal and uncreated thing. However the Rationalist Ulama consid- ered this to be an unreasonable point of view that would lead to a number of unsolvable theological problems Does God speak Arabic Is every copy of the Quran a copy of God. The Rationalists argued instead that God’s Speech reflects God but is not itself God. Some members of the Ulama such as Abu Hanifa tried to bridge the debate between the Rationalists and Traditionalists by claiming that “our utterance of the Quran is created our writing of it is created our reciting of it is created but the Quran itself is uncreated.” Ibn Kullab d. 855 agreed arguing that the Traditionalists were right to consider the word of God as “one single thing in God” but only inso- far as it is not made up of physical letters and words. Ibn Kullab’s view was refined by Ibn Hazm 994–1064 who posited the existence of a “pre-revealed” Quran as implied by the concept of Umm al-Kitab in which “what is in the pages of the book is . . . an imitation of the physical Quran.” Once again however it was the influential Ahmad ibn Hanbal who solidified the T raditionalist doctrine by claiming that what a Muslim reads between the physical covers of the Quran—its every word and letter—is itself the actual word of God: eternal and uncreated. The debate between the Rationalist and the Traditionalist Ulama continued for a few hundred years with each school alternating in influence until the end of the thirteenth century when partly in response to al-Ma’mun’s disastrous Inquisition the Traditionalist position became the dominant position in Sunni Islam. Most Ratio- nalists were branded as heretics and their theories gradually lost

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This Religion Is a Science 159 influence in all the major schools of law and theology with the excep- tion of the Shi‘ite schools discussed in the following chapter. And while the debate over the nature of the Quran continues to this day the influence of the Traditionalist interpretation has led to a number of extraordinary theological and legal developments in Islam. For instance belief in the eternal uncreated word of God has led to the widespread conviction among Muslims that the Quran cannot be translated from its original language. A translation into any other language would remove the direct speech of God rendering it an interpretation of the Quran not the Quran itself. As Islam spread from the Arabian Peninsula to the rest of the world every convert— whether Arab Persian European African or Indian—had to learn the Arabic language in order to read Islam’s sacred text. Even today Muslims of every culture and ethnicity must read the Quran in Arabic whether they understand it or not. The message of the Quran is vital to living a proper life as a Muslim but it is the words themselves—the actual speech of the one and only God—that possess a spiritual power known as baraka. While baraka can be experienced in a number of ways it is most vividly encountered through Islam’s unrivaled tradition of calligraphy. Partly because of the primacy of the word in Islam and partly because of the religion’s aversion to iconolatry and thus the figural arts callig- raphy has become the supreme artistic expression in the Muslim world. Yet Islamic calligraphy is more than just an art form it is the visual representation of the eternal Quran the symbol of God’s living presence on earth. The words of the Quran are inscribed on mosques tombs and prayer rugs in order to sanctify them. They are emblazoned on com- mon objects like cups bowls and lamps so that when one eats from a plate adorned with God’ s Speech or lights a lamp with a Quranic verse etched into it one is able to consume baraka to be illuminated by it. In the same way that pre-Islamic poetry was thought to convey divine authority so do the words of the Quran act as a talisman that trans- mits divine power. It is no wonder then that after the Ka‘ba had been cleansed and rededicated the pagan odes that had hung from the sanctuary were torn down and replaced by verses from the Quran which still form a golden band around the sacred shrine.

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160 No god but God Another way in which Muslims experience baraka is through the art or rather the science of Quranic recitation. As William Graham has observed the early Muslim community undoubtedly understood the Quran to be an oral scripture that was intended to be spoken aloud in a community not read quietly to oneself. Recall that the word “Quran” literally means “recitation” which is why so many passages begin with the command qul or “say.” The early efforts of the Qurra or Quran readers to memorize and preserve the sacred scripture eventually led to the creation of a technical science of Quranic recitation called tajwid with strict rules regulating when one is permitted to stop during a recitation and when it is forbidden to stop when to prostrate oneself and when to rise when to breathe and when not to take breath which consonants to stress and how long to hold each vowel. Because Islam has tradition- ally been suspicious of the use of music in worship for fear of compro- mising the divine nature of the text a recitation can never be outright musical. However the use of spontaneous melody is encouraged and some contemporary Quranic reciters exhibit an extraordinary degree of musical virtuosity. Their recitals are akin to rock concerts at which thousands of boisterous listeners are encouraged to respond to the recitation by shouting their reactions—whether positive or nega- tive—at the performer on stage. But it would not be entirely correct to call these recitations “con- certs” or even “performances.” These are spiritual gatherings at which the reciter transmits the baraka of God’s word to what is in essence a congregation. Because while the Quran may be God’s dra- matic monologue when read aloud it is miraculously transformed into a dialogue between the Creator and Creation a dialogue in which God is physically present. By far the most significant development of the T raditionalist posi- tion regarding the eternal Quran can be observed in the science of Quranic exegesis. From the start Muslims had an inordinately diffi- cult time interpreting the meaning and message of the Quran. As the direct speech of God the Quran was recorded without interpretation or commentary with little concern for chronology and almost no nar- rative. T o assist them in their exegesis the early Ulama divided the Revelation into two distinct periods—those verses revealed in Mecca

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This Religion Is a Science 161 and those revealed in Medina—thereby creating a loose chronology that helped clarify their interpretation of the text. However for the neophyte the organization of the Quran can be baffling. The text that Uthman collected is divided into 114 chapters called Surahs each containing a different number of verses or ayahs. With few exceptions every Surah begins with the invocation of the Basmallah: “In the name of God the Compassionate the Merciful.” Perhaps to emphasize the Quran’s status as direct revelation the Surahs are arranged neither chronologically nor thematically but rather from the longest chapter to the shortest the lone exception being the first and most important chapter Surah al-Fatiha: the “Opening.” There are two distinct methods of interpreting the Quran. The first tafsir is primarily concerned with elucidating the literal meaning of the text while the second ta’wil is more concerned with the hid- den esoteric meaning of the Quran. T afsir answers questions of con- text and chronology providing an easily understandable framework for Muslims to live a righteous life. Ta’wil delves into the concealed message of the text which because of its mystical nature is compre- hensible only to a select few. While both are considered equally valid approaches the tension between tafsir and ta’wil is but one of the inevitable consequences of trying to interpret an eternal and uncre- ated scripture that is nevertheless firmly grounded in a specific histor- ical context. For the Rationalists who rejected the notion of an uncreated Quran the only reasonable method of exegesis was one that accounted for the temporal nature of the Revelation. For this reason the Rationalists stressed the primacy of human reason in determining not just the essence of the Quran but also its meaning and most importantly its historical context. To the Traditionalists the eternal and uncreated nature of the Quran made it pointless to talk of historical context or original intent when interpreting it. The Quran has never changed and will never change neither should its interpretation. As one can imagine the Traditionalist position had a profound influence on Quranic exegesis. First it provided the orthodox Ulama with sole authority to interpret what was now widely considered to be a fixed and immutable text revealing the divine will of God. Second

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�� 162 No god but God because the eternal uncreated Quran could not possibly be consid- ered a product of Muhammad’s society historical context could not play any role in its interpretation. What was appropriate for Muham- mad’s community in the seventh century C.E. must be appropriate for all Muslim communities to come regardless of the circumstances. This view of the Quran as static and unchanging became increasingly problematic as the Revelation gradually transformed from merely the principle of moral guidance in the Muslim community to the primary source of Islam’s Sacred Law: the Shariah. CALLED “THE CORE and kernel of Islam” by Joseph Schacht the Shariah was developed by the Ulama as the basis for the judgment of all actions in Islam as good or bad to be rewarded or punished. More specifically the Shariah recognizes five categories of behavior: 1 actions that are obligatory in that their performance is rewarded and their omission punished 2 actions that are meritorious in that their performance may be rewarded but their neglect is not punished 3 actions that are neutral and indifferent 4 actions that are considered reprehensible though not necessarily punished and 5 actions that are forbidden and punished. These five categories are designed to demonstrate Islam’s over- arching concern with not only forbidding vice but also actively pro- moting virtue. As a comprehensive body of rules guiding the life of all Muslims the Shariah is divided into two categories: regulations regarding reli- gious duties including the proper method of worship and regulations of a purely juridical nature though the two often overlap. In either case the Shariah is meant to regulate only one’ s external actions it has little to do with inner spirituality. As a result those believers who sub- scribe to Islam’s mystical traditions tend to regard the Shariah as merely the starting point of righteousness true faith they say requires moving beyond the law.

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This Religion Is a Science 163 The moral provisions of the Shariah are made concrete through the discipline of fiqh or Islamic jurisprudence of which the Quran is its first and most important source. The problem however is that the Quran is not a book of laws. While there are some eighty or so verses that deal directly with legal issues—matters like inheritance and the status of women in addition to a handful of penal prescriptions—the Quran makes no attempt whatsoever to establish a system of laws reg- ulating the external behavior of the community as the T orah does for the Jews. Thus when dealing with the countless legal issues on which the Quran is silent the Ulama turn to the traditions or Sunna of the Prophet. The Sunna is composed of thousands upon thousands of stories or hadith that claim to recount Muhammad’ s words and deeds as well as those of the earliest Companions. As discussed in Chapter 3 as these hadith were passed down from generation to generation they became increasingly convoluted and inauthentic so that after a while nearly every legal or religious opinion—no matter how radical or eccentric—could be legitimated by the Prophet’s authority. By the ninth century the situation had gotten so out of hand that a group of legal scholars working independently of one another attempted to catalogue the most reliable hadith into authoritative collections the most respected of which are the canons of Muhammad al-Bukhari d. 870 and Muslim ibn al-Hajjaj d. 875. The primary criterion by which these collections were authenti- cated was the chain of transmission or isnad that often accompanied each hadith. Those hadith whose isnad could be traced to an early and reliable source were considered “sound” and accepted as authentic while those that could not were considered “weak” and rejected. One major problem with this method however is that before the ninth century when the collections were completed a proper and complete isnad was by no means an essential element in the dissemination of a hadith. Joseph Schacht’s extensive research on the development of the Shariah has shown how quite a large number of widely acknowledged hadith had their chains of transmission added conjecturally so as to make them appear more authentic. Hence Schacht’s whimsical but accurate maxim: “the more perfect the isnad the later the tradition.” But there is an even larger obstacle to using the Sunna of the

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164 No god but God Prophet as a primary source of law. As rigorous as scholars like al- Bukhari and Ibn al-Hajjaj were in scrutinizing each hadith for the signs of correct transmission the fact is that their method lacked any attempt at political or religious objectivity. The bulk of what are con- sidered to be sound traditions were deemed so not because their isnads were particularly strong but because they reflected the major- ity beliefs and practices of the community. In other words the hadith were collected and the Sunna developed specifically to create a sense of Islamic orthodoxy and orthopraxy by legitimizing those beliefs and practices that were already widely accepted by the majority of the Ulama and eliminating those that were not. While some hadith may in fact contain an authentic historical core that can be traced back to the Prophet and his earliest Companions the truth is that the Sunna is a far better reflection of the opinions of the ninth-century Ulama than of the seventh-century Ummah. After all to quote Jonathan Berkey “It was not Muhammad himself who defined the Sunna but rather a memory of him.” Reliable or not the Sunna was grossly inadequate for addressing the myriad legal issues that arose as Islam expanded into an Empire. A number of other sources had to be developed to cope with those con- cerns not expressly dealt with in the Quran and the Sunna. Chief among these was the use of analogical arguments or qiyas which allowed the Ulama to draw parallels between their community and Muhammad’ s when responding to new and unfamiliar legal dilemmas. Of course analogies can be stretched only so far and in any case the Traditionalist-dominated schools of law were wary of placing too much emphasis on reasoning over Revelation. So while qiyas remained a vital tool in the development of the Shariah the Ulama ultimately grew far more dependent on the fourth source of law: ijma or “juridical consensus.” Relying on the Prophet’s saying that “my community will never agree on an error” the Ulama posited that the unanimous consensus of the legal scholars of a particular age on a particular issue could cre- ate binding legal decisions even if those decisions seemed to violate Quranic prescriptions as was the case with the practice of stoning adulterers. Like the Sunna ijma was developed specifically to create

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This Religion Is a Science 165 orthodoxy among the Muslim community. But more importantly ijma served to consolidate the authority of the Ulama as the sole determiners of acceptable Muslim behavior and beliefs. Indeed it was primarily through the use of ijma that the schools of law were formed. Unfortunately as these schools became firmly institutionalized in the Muslim world so did their legal judgments so that eventually the consensus of one generation of scholars became binding for successive generations with the result that the Ulama gradually became less concerned with developing innovative solutions to contemporary legal problems and more occupied with what in Islam is referred to derisively as taqlid—the blind acceptance of juridical precedent. One other major source of law must be mentioned. During the formative stages of the Shariah it was commonly believed that when the Quran and the Sunna were silent on an issue and if analogy and consensus had failed to deliver a solution a qualified legal scholar could use his own independent juristic reasoning to issue a legal rul- ing or fatwa which could then be accepted or rejected by the commu- nity as they wished. Known as ijtihad this was an absolutely vital source of the law until the end of the tenth century when the Tradi- tionalist Ulama who at that time dominated nearly all the major schools of law outlawed it as a legitimate tool of exegesis. The “clos- ing of the gates of ijtihad” as this action has been called signaled the beginning of the end for those who held that religious truth as long as it did not explicitly contradict the Revelation could be discovered through human reason. By the beginning of the eleventh century what began as ad hoc gatherings of like-minded Ulama had become crystallized into legal institutions empowered with the binding authority of God’s law. The modern Sunni world has four such schools. The Shafii School which now dominates Southeast Asia was founded on the principles of Muhammad ash-Shafii d. 820 who held the Sunna to be the most important source of law. The Maliki School which is primarily observed in West Africa was founded by Malik ibn Anas d. 795 who relied almost exclusively on the traditions of Medina in forming his opin- ions. The Hanafi School of Abu Hanifah d. 767 which prevails across most of Central Asia and the Indian subcontinent is by far the

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166 No god but God largest and most diverse legal tradition with regard to breadth of interpretation. And finally the Hanbali School of Ahmad ibn Hanbal d. 855 the most traditionalist of the legal schools can be found in pockets throughout the Middle East but tends to dominate ultracon- servative countries like Saudi Arabia and Afghanistan. Added to this group is the Shi‘ite school of law founded by Ja‘far as-Sadiq d. 765 which will be dealt with in the following chapter. The Ulama associated with these four schools entrenched them- selves as the sole authority of acceptable Islamic behavior and the sole interpreters of acceptable Islamic beliefs. As these schools of thought gradually transformed into legal institutions the diversity of ideas and freedom of opinion that characterized their early development gave way to rigid formalism strict adherence to precedent and an almost complete stultification of independent thought so that even by the twelfth century Muslim thinkers like al-Ghazali himself a T radition- alist began decrying the Ulama’s assertion that “whoever does not know scholastic theology in the form the Ulama recognize and does not know the prescriptions of the Holy Law according to the proofs which they have adduced is an unbeliever.” As we shall see al-Ghazali’s complaint against the Ulama is as applicable today as it was nine hundred years ago. In the modern era as questions of individual religious obligation have entered the political realm the Ulama’s ability to define the pub- lic discourse regarding correct behavior and belief has increased dra- matically. They have even managed to broaden their audience by playing a far more active role in the political developments of the Middle East. In some Muslim countries including Iran Sudan Saudi Arabia and Nigeria the Ulama exert direct political and legal control over the populations while in most others they indirectly influence the social and political spheres of society through their religious edicts their legal rulings and most notably their stewardship of Islam’s religious schools or madrassas where generation after genera- tion of young Muslims are indoctrinated in a revival of T raditionalist orthodoxy especially with regard to the static literalist interpretation of the Quran and the divine infallible nature of the Shariah. As one such teacher and scholar recently argued

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This Religion Is a Science 167 The Islamic law has not come into being the way conventional law has. It has not had to undergo the same process of evaluation as all the man-made laws have done. The case of the Islamic law is not that it began with a few rules that gradually multiplied or with rudi- mentary concepts refined by cultural process with the passage of time nor did this law originate and grow along with the Islamic community. As a matter of fact that is exactly how the Shariah developed: “with rudimentary concepts refined by cultural process with the pas- sage of time.” This was a process influenced not only by local cultural practices but by both T almudic and Roman law. With the exception of the Quran every single source of Islamic law was the result of human not divine effort. The early schools of law understood this and so rep- resented nothing more than trends of thought that existed within the Muslim community. The sources from which these schools formed their traditions especially ijma allowed for the evolution of thought. For this reason the opinions of the Ulama—whether Rationalist or T raditionalist—were constantly adapting to contemporary situations and the law itself was continually reinterpreted and reapplied as nec- essary. Regardless none of the legal decisions made by any of these schools of law were binding on individual Muslims. In fact until the modern period it was common for believers to switch their allegiance from one school to another at their pleasure and there was nothing expressly prohibiting a Muslim from accepting Maliki doctrine on some issues and Hanafi doctrine on others. So it is simply unreason- able to consider what is so obviously the result of human labor and so plainly subject to changing human biases to be the infallible unalter- able inflexible and binding sacred law of God. Even the most cursory analysis of the development of the Shariah demonstrates how both the law and the Revelation grew “along with the Islamic community.” The Quran itself clearly indicates that while its message is eternal it was revealed in response to very specific his- torical situations. The more Muhammad’s community evolved the more the Revelation changed to adapt to its needs. Indeed during the

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168 No god but God twenty-two years of Muhammad’s ministry the Quran was in an almost constant state of flux sometimes altering dramatically depend- ing on where and when a verse was revealed whether in Mecca or Medina whether at the beginning or the end of Muhammad’s life. Occasionally these changes led to what appear to be significant textual contradictions. For example the Quran initially took a some- what neutral stance on the drinking of wine and the practice of gam- bling claiming that in both “there is great sin and some benefit for people though the sin is greater than the benefit” 2:219. A few years later another verse was revealed that while still not prohibiting drinking and gambling urged believers to refrain from gambling and not to “come to prayer while intoxicated” 4:43. Some time after that however the Quran explicitly outlawed both drinking and gambling calling them “acts of Satan” and associating them with idolatry the greatest sin 5:90. In this way the previous verses which condemned but did not forbid drinking and gambling appear to have been abro- gated by another later verse which unambiguously prohibited both. Quranic scholars call this abrogation of one verse with another naskh claiming that it demonstrates that God chose to introduce important sociological changes to Muhammad in stages thereby allowing the Ummah to adjust gradually to the new moral ethos. But if naskh demonstrates anything it is that while God may not change the Revelation most certainly did and without apology: “Whenever We abrogate a verse or cause it to be forgotten” the Quran says “We exchange it with a better or similar one don’t you know that God can do anything” 2:106 see also 16:101. The Prophet himself sometimes openly suppressed or negated older verses considering them to have been replaced by newer ones. That is because Muhammad did not consider the Quran to be a static Revelation which may be why he never bothered to authorize its col- lection into a codified book. The Quran was for Muhammad a living scripture that consciously evolved alongside the Ummah continually adapting itself to meet the specific needs of the developing commu- nity. In fact an entire science of commentary called asbab al-nuzul “the reasons for or causes of Revelation” developed soon after Muhammad’s death in order to determine the specific historical cir- cumstances in which a certain verse was revealed. By tracking the

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This Religion Is a Science 169 changes in the Revelation the early Quranic interpreters were able to create a helpful chronology of its verses. Yet what this chronology most clearly indicates is that God was rearing the Ummah like a lov- ing parent instructing it in stages and making alterations when neces- sary from the first Revelation in 610 to the last in 632. Of course with Muhammad’s death the Revelation ceased. But that does not mean that the Ummah stopped evolving. On the con- trary the contemporary Muslim community—nearly a billion and a half strong—bears almost no resemblance to the small community of faith that Muhammad left behind in seventh-century Arabia. While the Revelation may have ended the Quran is still a living text and must be treated as such. The notion that historical context should play no role in the interpretation of the Quran—that what applied to Muhammad’s community applies to all Muslim communities for all time—is simply an untenable position in every sense. Nevertheless the heirs of T raditionalism have managed to silence most critics of reform even when that criticism has come from their own ranks. When in the 1990s Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd a Muslim pro- fessor at Cairo University argued that the Quran while divinely revealed was a cultural product of seventh-century Arabia he was branded a heretic by the conservative-dominated Ulama of Egypt’s famed al-Azhar University and forced to divorce his Muslim wife the couple fled Egypt together. When Mahmoud Mohamed Taha 1909–85 the renowned Sudanese legal reformer claimed that the Meccan and Medinan texts of the Quran differed so greatly from one another because they were addressed to very specific historical audi- ences and should be interpreted as such he was executed. As will become apparent the debate over the nature and function of the Quran and the Shariah has in no way ended. Indeed contempo- rary Muslim scholars such as Abdolkarim Soroush and Khaled Abou El Fadl have been vigorously pushing the Muslim community toward reformation by reopening the gates of ijtihad and insisting on return- ing to a rational exegesis of the Quran. However the dominance of the Traditionalist position continues to have devastating conse- quences for the development and progress of law and society in the modern Middle East.

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170 No god but God The problem is that it is practically impossible to reconcile the Traditionalist view of the Shariah with modern conceptions of democracy and human rights. Any modern Islamic state has only three alternatives for incorporating the Shariah into its legal systems. It can accept the Shariah as a legitimate source of civil law but choose to ignore it in all but the most obvious family divorce or inheritance cases as Egypt and Pakistan do. It can fully apply the Shariah to the state with no attempt either to modernize it or adapt it to contempo- rary norms of law and society as Saudi Arabia and Afghanistan under the T aliban have done. Or it can attempt to fuse the traditional values of the Shariah with modern principles of democracy and human rights through a comprehensive reform methodology. Thus far only one Islamic state has seriously considered the latter option. For more than twenty years the Islamic Republic of Iran has been struggling to reconcile popular and divine sovereignty in an attempt to construct a genuinely Islamic democracy dedicated to pluralism liberalism and human rights. It has been a difficult violent and hith- erto unsuccessful endeavor. But not since the Articles of Confedera- tion set in motion the drafting of the American Constitution has a more important political experiment been attempted. Of course Iran is a special case. The Iranian Islamic ideal is a patently Shi‘ite one and from their inception as a political movement with the aim of restoring the Caliphate to the family of the Prophet to their rise as a separate religious sect in Islam with its own distinct beliefs and practices the Shi‘ah have never been eager to identify themselves with the majority Muslim community.

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������ 7. In the Footsteps of Martyrs FROM SHI‘ISM TO KHOMEINISM E ARLY I N THE morning on the tenth day of the Islamic month of Muharram in the sixty-first year of the Hijra October 10 680 C.E. Husayn ibn Ali grandson of the Prophet Muhammad and the de facto head of the Shi‘atu Ali steps out of his tent one last time to gaze across the vast withered plane of Karbala at the massive Syrian army encir- cling his camp. These are the soldiers of the Umayyad Caliph Yazid I dispatched from Damascus weeks ago with orders to intercept Husayn and his party before they can reach the city of Kufa where a brewing rebellion awaits his arrival. For ten days the Syrian forces have besieged Husayn at Karbala. At first they tried to storm the camp in a stampede of cavalry. But having anticipated the assault Husayn had pitched his tents near a chain of hills protecting his rear. He then dug a semicircular trench around three sides of his camp filled the trench with wood and ignited it. Gathering his men in the center of this crescent of fire

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172 No god but God Husayn ordered them to kneel in a tight formation with their lances pointing out so that when the enemy horses neared they would be forced by the flames to squeeze into the entrance of the trap. This simple strategy allowed Husayn’s tiny force to repel the thirty thousand soldiers of the Caliph for six long days. But on the sev- enth day the Syrian army changed tactics. Rather than trying to storm the camp again they shifted their lines to blockade the banks of the Euphrates cutting off Husayn’s supply of water. Now the time for fighting is over. Sitting high atop their armored horses the Caliph’s soldiers make no move toward Husayn. Their swords are sheathed their bows slung over their shoulders. It has been three days since the canals stopped flowing into Husayn’s camp those few who haven’t already lost their lives in battle are now slowly painfully dying of thirst. The ground is littered with bodies including those of Husayn’s eighteen-year-old son Ali Akbar and his fourteen-year-old nephew Qasim—the son of his elder brother Hasan. Of the seventy-two companions who were to march with Husayn from Medina to Kufa in order to raise an army against Yazid only the women and a few children remain along with one other man: Husayn’s sole surviving son Ali though he lies near death inside the women’s tent. All the others are buried where they fell their bodies wrapped in shrouds their heads pointing toward Mecca. The wind stirs their shallow graves carrying the stench of rot across the flat plain. Alone exhausted and seriously wounded Husayn collapses at the entrance to his tent. An arrow is lodged deep in his arm a dart pierces his cheek. He is parched and dizzy from loss of blood. Wiping the sweat from his eyes he lowers his head and tries to ignore the wails of the women in the adjoining tent: they have just buried his infant son who was struck in the neck by an arrow after Husayn carried him up a hill to beg the Syrian troops for water. Their anguish penetrates him deeper than any arrow but it also stiffens his resolve. There is now nothing left to do but finish the task for which he had set out from Medina. He must gather what strength he has left to lift himself off the ground. He must stand up and fight against the injustice and tyranny of the Caliph even if it means sacrificing his life—especially if it means sacrificing his life.

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In the Footsteps of Martyrs 173 Rising to his feet he lifts his bloody hands to heaven and prays: “We are for God and to God shall we return.” A Quran in one hand and a sword in the other Husayn mounts his steed and tugs the horse’s head to face the barricade of soldiers stand- ing only a few hundred meters in front of him. With a swift kick to the horse’s ribs he launches himself ferociously at the enemy swinging his sword left and right all the while shouting “Do you see how Fatima’s son fights Do you see how Ali’s son fights Do you see how the Banu Hashim fight despite three days of hunger and thirst” One by one the Syrian riders perish by his sword until their gen- eral Shimr orders the soldiers to regroup and surround Husayn from all sides. A swift blow from a lance knocks him off his horse. On the ground he covers his head writhing in pain as the horses trample his body. Husayn’s sister Zainab rushes from the tent to come to his aid. But Husayn calls out to her to stay where she is. “Go back to the tent sister” he shouts. “I am already undone.” Finally Shimr orders the Syrian cavalry to pull back. As his sol- diers round up the survivors from the camp the general dismounts his horse and stands over Husayn’s racked and broken body. “Make your confession” Shimr says. “It is time to cut your throat.” Husayn rolls over onto his back to face his executioner. “Forgive O merciful Lord the sins of my grandfather’s people” he cries “and grant me bountifully the key of the treasure of intercession . . .” Before the Prophet’s grandson can finish his prayer Shimr lifts his sword in the air and swings the blade down in one swift motion cleanly severing Husayn’s head from his body. He raises the head on a lance to bring back to Damascus where he will present it on a golden tray as a gift to the Umayyad Caliph. After Ali’s assassination in 661 the remnants of the Shi‘atu Ali in Kufa selected his eldest son Hasan to succeed him as Caliph. But Kufa was a fractured and isolated city and Ali’s supporters were scattered and few in number. With Mu‘awiyah having already declared himself Caliph in Jerusalem and the hegemony of Damascus stretching ever further over the Muslim lands there was no way for Hasan’s allies to compete with the Syrian army for control of the Muslim community.

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174 No god but God Yet few as they may have been the Shi‘atu Ali were still an influ- ential faction particularly among the Iranians of the former Sasanian Empire who saw in the ahl al-bayt an alternative to the ethnic Arab domination of the Umayyads as well as among the populations of Mecca and Medina where the memory of the Prophet was still fresh in the minds of those who regardless of their political affiliation could not help recognizing the grooves and shadows of Muhammad’s features etched into the faces of his grandsons. So when Hasan offered to come to terms with Mu‘awiyah proposing what amounted to a temporary cease-fire Mu‘awiyah was quick to accept. Avoiding what would have been yet another civil war between the factions of the Banu Hashim and those of the Banu Umayya the two men signed a treaty that handed the mantle of leadership to Mu‘awiyah with the understanding that after his death the Caliphate would at the very least be decided by the consensus of the Muslim community if not explicitly returned to Muhammad’s family. The agreement benefited both men. It gave Hasan the opportunity to regroup the Shi‘atu Ali without fear of annihilation at the hands of the Syrian army and it offered Mu‘awiyah the legitimacy he had been seeking since he first began pursuing the Caliphate. With the capital of the Muslim community now firmly established in Damascus Mu‘awiyah launched a series of reforms meant to strengthen and centralize his authority as Caliph. He used the over- whelming might of his standing Syrian army to unite the troops scat- tered in garrison towns throughout the Muslim lands. He then forcibly resettled in distant villages those nomadic tribesmen who had never before considered themselves to be a part of the Ummah thereby extending the grasp of his empire. He maintained his link to even the most remote Muslim provinces by reassigning his kinsmen—many of whom had been removed from their posts by Ali—as amirs though he kept a tight leash on them to avoid the corruption and disorder that was so prevalent during his cousin Uthman’s rule. Mu‘awiyah’s amirs secured their positions by diligently collecting taxes to send to Da- mascus which the Caliph used to build a magnificent capital the likes of which had never before been imagined by any Arab tribe. Although Mu‘awiyah adopted Uthman’s religiously oriented title Khalifat Allah and poured money into the institutions of the religious

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In the Footsteps of Martyrs 175 scholars and Quran reciters he also set Umayyad precedent by not directly meddling in the theological and legal controversies of the Ulama. However like his ancient ancestor Qusayy Mu‘awiyah recog- nized the role of the Ka‘ba in bestowing religious legitimacy to politi- cal rule. He therefore purchased from the ahl al-bayt the right to care for the Meccan sanctuary and provide shelter and water to the pilgrims. By centralizing his authority in Damascus and securing his posi- tion as Caliph with a mobile and highly disciplined army not to men- tion a powerful naval fleet which he used to conquer territories as distant as Sicily Mu‘awiyah managed to pull together the disparate regions of the Arab domain under his rule ushering in a period of enormous expansion throughout the Muslim lands. But although he took great pains to style himself in both manner and conduct as an all- powerful tribal Shaykh rather than as a Muslim king there can be no question that Mu‘awiyah’s centralized and absolutist rule was deliberately meant to imitate the dynastic empires of the Byzantines and Sasanians. Hence having completed the transformation of the Caliphate into a monarchy Mu‘awiyah did what any other king would do: he appointed his son Yazid to succeed him. Considering his nearly wholesale slaughter of the Prophet’ s family at Karbala it is not surprising that the traditions have been unkind to Yazid. Mu‘awiyah’s heir has been portrayed as a debauched licentious drunkard more interested in playing with his pet monkey than in run- ning the affairs of state. Although this may not be a fair depiction of the new Caliph the fact is that Yazid’s reputation was sealed from the moment he succeeded his father. For his succession marked the defin- itive end of the united community of God and the unambiguous com- mencement of the first Muslim—and distinctly Arab—empire. This is why Kufa was in revolt. A garrison town teeming with freed slaves and non-Arab mostly Iranian Muslim soldiers Kufa which had served as the capital of Ali’s brief and turbulent Caliphate had become the locus of anti-Umayyad sentiment. That sentiment was perfectly embodied by the heterogeneous coalition of the Shi‘atu Ali who had little else in common save their hatred of the Banu Umayya and their belief that only the family of the Prophet could restore Islam to its original ideals of justice piety and egalitarianism.

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176 No god but God As mentioned the Shi‘atu Ali first looked to Hasan the eldest son of Ali and Fatima to represent them as their new leader. But when Hasan died in 669—poisoned his companions contended—their aspi- rations fell upon Ali’s second son Husayn. Unlike his older brother who had a great distaste for politics and its machinations Husayn was a natural leader who elicited fierce loyalty from his followers. After Hasan’s death the Shi‘atu Ali pressured Husayn to rise up immedi- ately against Mu‘awiyah pledging him their lives if necessary. But Husayn refused to violate his brother’s treaty with the Caliph. For eleven years he bided his time in Medina teaching preach- ing and preserving the legacy of his family while waiting for the Caliph to die. For eleven years he suffered the humiliation of having to sit through public cursings of his father Ali something Mu‘awiyah had made obligatory from every pulpit in the Empire. Finally in 680 Mu‘awiyah passed away and soon afterward a message arrived from the Kufans begging Husayn to come to their city and take charge of their rebellion against the tyrant’s son. Although he had been awaiting this message for years Husayn hesitated knowing all too well the fickle and discordant nature of the Kufans and being unwilling to put his fate into their hands. He also recognized the futility of raising an army of Iraqi malcontents against the massive Syrian forces of the Caliph. At the same time he could not ignore his duty as the Prophet’s grandson to stand up against what he considered to be the oppression of his community at the hands of an illegitimate ruler. Husayn’s decision was made for him when Yazid recognizing the threat he posed to his authority summoned Husayn to appear before his amir Walid in Medina to pledge his allegiance to Damascus. However when Husayn appeared before Walid and his aide Marwan— the same Marwan who had so disastrously advised Uthman and who eventually seized the Umayyad Caliphate for himself—he managed to put off his pledge by claiming that as the representative of the ahl al- bayt he could better serve the Caliph if his allegiance were given in public. Walid agreed and let him go. But Marwan was not fooled. “If Husayn is allowed to leave you shall never recapture him” he told Walid. “Either ask him to swear allegiance now or have him killed.”

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In the Footsteps of Martyrs 177 Before Walid could act upon Marwan’s advice Husayn hastily gathered the members of his family and along with a handful of sup- porters headed off to Kufa. He never made it. Having uncovered Husayn’s plans to raise an army against him Yazid sent his troops to Kufa to arrest and execute the leaders of the rebellion and to make sure the population of the city understood that any attempt to rally support for Husayn would be swiftly and merci- lessly crushed. The threat worked. Long before Husayn and his fol- lowers were intercepted at Karbala just a few kilometers south of Kufa the insurrection had been quelled. Just as Husayn had pre- dicted the Kufans abandoned him to his fate. And yet even after he had received news of the revolt’s collapse after he had been aban- doned by those whom he came to lead Husayn continued to march toward Kufa and certain death. The events at Karbala sent shock waves through the Muslim lands. After the massacre Yazid’s troops made a point of parading the sur- vivors including Husayn’s only remaining son Ali—so ailing he had to be strapped to a camel—through the streets of Kufa as a cautionary message to Husayn’s supporters. When Husayn’s severed head was displayed to the crowd the Kufans wailed and beat their breasts curs- ing themselves for betraying the family of the Prophet. But even those factions who had strenuously opposed the leadership claims of the ahl al-bayt were aghast at this demonstration of Caliphal might. This was after all the family of the Messenger of God people said how could they have been starved and massacred like animals Almost immediately rebellion erupted throughout the Empire. The remaining Kharijite factions denounced Yazid as a heretic and set up their own separate régimes one in Iran and one in the Arabian Peninsula. In Kufa a brief yet bloody uprising to avenge the massacre at Karbala was instigated in the name of Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah the son of Ali but not of Fatima. In Mecca Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr— the son of the man who had along with Talha fought with Aisha against Ali at the Battle of the Camel—raised an army and declared himself the Amir al-Mu’manin Commander of the Faithful. The Ansar promptly followed Ibn al-Zubayr’s example by declaring their

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178 No god but God independence from Damascus and selecting their own leader to rep- resent them in Medina. Yazid responded to these rebellions by turning his army loose. At his command the Syrian forces surrounded Mecca and Medina with massive catapults from which they indiscriminately launched fireballs at the inhabitants. In Mecca the fires quickly spread to the Ka‘ba burning the sanctuary to the ground. When the flames finally subsided both sacred cities lay in ruins. Medina immediately surren- dered and pledged allegiance to Yazid. But it took another decade for the Umayyads under the Caliphate of Abd al-Malik to defeat the forces of Ibn al-Zubayr in Mecca once and for all and restore the absolute sovereignty of Damascus. Meanwhile unbeknownst to the Umayyad Caliphs there was a subtler and far more significant revolution taking place in the Empire: a revolution not for political control but for control of the very essence of the Muslim faith. Four years after the events at Karbala in 684 C.E. a small group of individuals from Kufa who called them- selves the tawwabun or Penitents gathered at the site of the mas- sacre—their faces blackened their clothes torn—to mourn the death of Husayn and his family. This was an informal and unceremonious gathering meant not only as homage to Husayn but as an act of atone- ment for their failure to aid him against the Umayyad forces. The Penitents had assembled at Karbala to display their guilt publicly and their communal act of mourning was a means of absolving them- selves of their sins. Although the notion of lamentation as atonement for sin was a common practice in most Mesopotamian religions including Zoroas- trianism Judaism Christianity and Manichaeism it was an unprece- dented phenomenon in Islam. Indeed the collective lamentations of the Penitents at Karbala were the first documented rituals of what would eventually become a wholly new religious tradition. Put simply the memory of Karbala was slowly transforming the Shi‘atu Ali from a political faction with the aim of restoring the leadership of the commu- nity to the family of the Prophet into an utterly distinct religious sect in Islam: Shi‘ism a religion founded on the ideal of the righteous believer who following in the footsteps of the martyrs at Karbala will- ingly sacrifices himself in the struggle for justice against oppression.

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�� In the Footsteps of Martyrs 179 W HAT SETS THE actions of the Penitents at Karbala apart in the history of religions is that they offer a glimpse into the ways in which ritual rather than myth can fashion a faith. This is a crucial point to bear in mind when discussing the development of Shi‘ism. As Heinz Halm has noted the Shi‘ah are a community born not “by the profes- sion of belief in dogma” but rather “through the process of perform- ing the rituals” that sprang up around the Karbala myth. Only after these rituals had become formalized hundreds of years later did Shi‘ite theologians reexamine and reinterpret them in order to lay the theo- logical foundation for what was already a new religious movement. Karbala became Shi‘ism’s Garden of Eden with humanity’s origi- nal sin being not disobedience to God but unfaithfulness to God’s moral principles. Just as the early Christians coped with Jesus’ demor- alizing death by reinterpreting the Crucifixion as a conscious and eternal decision of self-sacrifice so also did the Shi‘ah claim Husayn’s martyrdom to have been both a conscious and an eternal decision. The Shi‘ah claim that long before Husayn was born the events of Karbala had been miraculously revealed to Adam Noah Abraham Moses Muhammad Ali and Fatima. The Shi‘ah noted that Husayn knew he could not defeat the Caliph yet he deliberately chose to con- tinue to Kufa in order to sacrifice himself for his principles and for all generations to come. Realizing that mere force of arms could not restore Muhammad’s vision Husayn had planned “a complete revolu- tion in the consciousness of the Muslim community” to quote Husain Jafri. In fact as Shah Abdul Aziz has argued Husayn’s self-sacrifice was in reality the logical end to the story of Abraham’s near-sacrifice of his firstborn son Ismail—the sacrifice was not revoked but post- poned until Karbala when Husayn willingly fulfilled it. The Shi‘ah thus regard Husayn’s martyrdom as having completed the religion that Abraham initiated and Muhammad revealed to the Arabs. Based on the way in which the events of Karbala were interpreted there developed in Shi‘ism a distinctly Islamic theology of atonement through sacrifice something alien to orthodox or Sunni Islam. “A tear shed for Husayn washes away a hundred sins” the Shi‘ah say. This concept called ‘aza or “mourning” achieved its full expression

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180 No god but God in the rites formalized by the Shi‘ite authorities sometime around the mid-eighth century and which to this day form the central rituals of the faith. Every year during the first ten days of the month of Muharram and culminating on the tenth day or Ashura the Shi‘ah commemo- rate Husayn’s martyrdom through lamentation assemblies where sto- ries of the martyrs are read by religious specialists called zakirs and mourning processions in which sacred objects belonging to Muham- mad’s family are carried through the neighborhoods. But perhaps the most famous rites of the Muharram ceremonies are the Shi‘ite passion plays ta‘ziyeh which dramatize in detail the events of Karbala and the funereal processions matam in which participants either beat their breasts in a rhythmic almost mantric act of contrition or flog their backs with whips made of chains all the while shouting out the names of Hasan and Husayn until the streets are stained with their blood. Despite appearances the Shi‘ite self-flagellation ceremonies have little in common with similar practices one finds in certain Christian monastic orders. This is not flagellation as a solitary act of pious self- mortification. Nor do these rituals correspond to the self-abnegation practices of some ascetic Hindu sects for whom pain is a means of achieving a shift in consciousness. As Vernon Schubel David Pinault Syed-Mohsen Naquvi and nearly every other objective observer of the Muharram ceremonies have documented matam is meant to be a physically painless activity: an act of communal witnessing not a means of scourging one’s sins. It is not pain but the voluntary shed- ding of blood and tears for Husayn that brings salvation. For this rea- son in many large cities where the Shi‘ite funereal processions are frowned upon by both religious and political authorities a vigorous campaign has been launched to replace the self-flagellation rituals with safe and supervised donations to mobile blood banks that trail behind the participants. For the Shi‘ah the Muharram rituals signify a moral choice they are a public statement that in the words of one participant “if we had been there at Karbala we would have stood with Husayn and shed our blood and died with him.” Perhaps equally important these ritu- als serve as an act of proselytizing. As another participant explained to

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In the Footsteps of Martyrs 181 Pinault “We do matam not just to commemorate Husayn but as a way of saying we are Shi‘ites.” Most of the Sunni world condemns such acts of ritual devotion as bid‘a or “religious innovation” something strenuously opposed by all orthodox schools. But the Sunni are less offended by what the Muhar- ram participants do than by what the rituals suggest: that paradise is awarded according to the sixteenth-century Quranic scholar al- Kashifi “to anyone who weeps for Husayn or who laments in com- pany with those who weep for Husayn.” The Shi‘ah believe that salvation requires the intercession of Muhammad his son-in-law Ali his grandsons Hasan and Husayn and the rest of the Prophet’s legiti- mate successors the Imams who not only serve as humanity’s inter- cessors on the Last Days but who further function as the eternal executors wali of the divine Revelation. The word Imam has multiple connotations. In Sunni Islam the Imam is the person who stands at the head of the mosque and leads the con- gregation in prayer. While the Shi‘ah sometimes employ this defini- tion for their religious leaders as well they also recognize a “fixed” number of Imams—the number of whom depends on the sect of Shi‘ism—who as the Prophet’ s legitimate successors bear the respon- sibility of guarding and preserving Muhammad’s divine message. Unlike the Caliph who is a political leader designated at least theo- retically by the consensus of the Muslim community the Imam repre- sents the spiritual authority of the Prophet Muhammad and is designated by God through the fact of his birth. While the Sunni Caliph can only claim to be Muhammad’s vice-regent on earth the Shi‘ite Imam though lacking any real political power is endowed with the living spirit of the Prophet and as such is thought to possess a spiritual authority that sets him above any earthly ruler. The existence of the Imam is essential according to the preemi- nent Shi‘ite theologian Allamah Tabataba‘i because human beings need the divine message to be elucidated for them—and not just eluci- dated but preserved and renewed. Because human beings do not have the capacity to attain knowledge of God on their own the Imam becomes a continuous necessity for all societies and in every era. So in addition to the “fixed” number of Imams who succeeded Muham-

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182 No god but God mad’s earthly authority there must also exist an “ever-present” or “pre-existent” Imam who as the eternal guardian of the Revelation functions as “the Proof of God on Earth.” Thus the first Imam was neither Muhammad nor Ali but Adam. And while the functions of Imam and Prophet have occasionally existed in a single individual the difference between the two positions is primarily one of conscious- ness. A prophet claim the Shi‘ah is someone who has by the divine will become conscious of God’ s eternal message which forever envel- ops creation like a numinous ether we cannot escape while the Imam is someone who explicates that message for those who possess neither the prophetic consciousness necessary to recognize it nor the power of reason to understand it. Put another way the prophet transmits the Message of God while the Imam translates it for human beings. According to the Shi‘ah this relationship between Prophet and Imam can be observed throughout the history of prophecy. Abraham may have been given the covenant by God but it was Isaac and Ismail who as his Imams fulfilled it Moses may have revealed the divine law but it was Aaron who carried it into the Promised Land Jesus may have preached salvation but it was Peter who built the Church. In the same way Muhammad the Seal of the Prophets may have revealed God’s message to the Arabs but it was left to Ali his legiti- mate successor to execute it. Thus the Shi‘ite profession of faith: “There is no god but God Muhammad is God’s Messenger and Ali is God’s Executor wali .” As the executor of God’s will the Imam is like the Prophet infal- lible and sinless for “sin would destroy the validity of the call.” Con- sequently the Shi‘ah developed the view that the Imams were created not from dust as other humans were but from eternal light. Further- more the Imams are said to preserve a secret esoteric knowledge handed down from Imam to Imam in a mystical transfer of conscious- ness. This esoteric knowledge includes the keeping of secret books such as The Book of Fatima which recounts Gabriel’s revelations to Fatima after Muhammad’s death. The Imams also know the secret name of God and are the only ones who possess the spiritual guidance necessary to reveal the inner truth of the Muslim faith. It is this spiritual guidance that gives the Imams sole authority to interpret the Quran. The Shi‘ah believe the Quran contains within its

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In the Footsteps of Martyrs 183 pages two different messages meant for two different audiences. The Quran’s explicit message zahir is obvious and accessible to all Mus- lims through the discipline of tafsir referred to in the previous chap- ter. But only the Imam can correctly employ ta’wil to uncover the Quran’s implicit message batin. And while the distinction between tafsir and ta’wil exists in Sunni Islam as well the Shi‘ah believe that because the Revelation emanates from sources beyond human com- prehension the whole of the Quran consists of symbols and allusions that only the Imam has the spiritual perfection to elucidate. In the words of the eighth Imam Ali ar-Rida only the person who can cor- respond the Quran’s implicit verses to its explicit ones can claim “guidance to the right path.” The primacy of ta’wil in Shi‘ism had great advantages for the early Shi‘ah who were eager to link themselves with Muhammad by uncov- ering scriptural references that would justify their distinctive beliefs and practices. Of course this is a common tactic used by all sectarian movements who wish to connect themselves to their parent religion. The early Christians for example who were no more than Jews who believed that the Messiah had come scoured the Hebrew Scriptures for allusions to Jesus so as to link their sect with Judaism and fit their Messiah into the numerous and often conflicting messianic prophe- cies of the Hebrew Scriptures. In the same way the Shi‘ah sifted through the Quran and found it replete with verses that when prop- erly interpreted through ta’wil implicitly expressed the eternal truth of the Imamate. Consider the following extract from the Quran known as “the Verse of Light”: God is the light of the Heavens and the Earth. His light is like a niche in the wall in which there is a lamp The lamp is within a glass and the glass is a glimmering star Lit with the oil of an olive tree— A tree neither of the East nor of the West— Whose oil glows though fire touches it not: Light upon Light God guides to His Light whomever He will. God gives examples to humanity And God has knowledge of everything. 24:35

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184 No god but God According to Imam Ja‘far as-Sadiq these exquisitely wrought lines conceal a message from God to the Shi‘ah. God’s light Ja‘far claimed is actually Muhammad its containment in the glass a reference to the prophetic knowledge that he passed on to Imam Ali who “is neither a Jew of the East nor a Christian of the West.” And just as the sacred oil glows without being touched by fire so divine knowledge issues from the mouth of the Imam “even if Muhammad had not spoken it.” “Light upon Light” exclaims the Quran. “Imam to Imam” replied Ja‘far. The first of the “fixed” Imams to succeed Muhammad was obviously Ali followed by his sons Hasan and Husayn respectively. The fourth Imam was the only son of Husayn to have survived Karbala Ali also known as Zayn al-Abadin who was eventually allowed to return to Medina after spending some years in captivity in Damascus. Ali Zayn al-Abadin was succeeded in 712 C.E. by his son Muhammad al-Baqir who was four years old at the time of Karbala though a small faction within the Shi‘ah rejected al-Baqir as the fifth Imam and chose instead to follow another of al-Abadin’s sons Zayd ash-Shahid. This faction officially broke off from the main body of the Shi‘ah and became known as the Zaydis. The majority of the Shi‘ah accepted the succession of al-Baqir who then passed the Imamate to his son Ja‘far as-Sadiq. As the sixth and most influential Imam Ja‘far formalized the Karbala rituals and established the principles of Shi‘ism’s main school of law. The Jafari school as it is known differentiates itself from Sunni schools of law first by recognizing a different set of hadith which include stories of the Imams as well as of Muhammad and second by vigorously employing ijtihad or independent juristic reasoning as one of the pri- mary sources of Shi‘ite jurisprudence. For years the Shi‘ah were divided among themselves over the per- missibility of the mujtahid literally one who employs ijtihad to rely only on rational conjecture to issue authoritative legal decisions or fatwas. The Akhbari school for example rejected the use of ijtihad altogether requiring its Ulama to base their legal decisions solely on the traditions of the Prophet and the Imams. But it was the Akhbaris’ rivals the Usuli school whose enthusiastic support for the use of ijti-

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In the Footsteps of Martyrs 185 had in the formation of Islamic jurisprudence made it the dominant school in Shi‘ism. To this day Shi‘ite law maintains the conviction that “whatever is ordered by reason is also ordered by religion” to quote the contemporary Shi‘ite legal scholar Hossein Modarressi. There are now so many mujtahids in the Shi‘ite world that only those who have attained the very highest level of scholarship and who can boast the greatest number of disciples are still allowed to practice ijtihad. At the top of this order of mujtahids are the ayatollahs the title means “the sign of God” whose decisions are binding on their disci- ples. Only a handful of authoritative ayatollahs exist today—primarily in Iran and Iraq—but their religious and political authority over the Shi‘ah is formidable. As we shall see it was precisely this authority that allowed the Ayatollah Khomeini to impose his will upon the social political and economic forces that led to the Iranian Revolu- tion in 1979. Ja‘far died in 757 allegedly from poisoning though this claim has been made for every Imam who was not openly murdered by Sunni authorities. Before dying Ja‘far designated his eldest son Ismail as the seventh Imam. But Ismail died before his father and was therefore replaced by Ja‘far’s second son Musa al-Kazim. While the majority of the Shi‘ah accepted Musa as the divinely guided leader of the commu- nity there were those who were disturbed by this apparent “switch- ing” of designations. Is not the Imam a divinely appointed position they asked How could Ja‘far the infallible Imam have chosen the wrong successor Ultimately this faction was compelled by the force of their theology to argue that Ismail had not died but gone into hid- ing or “occultation” in a spiritual realm from which he would return at the end of time not as Imam Ismail but as the messianic restorer known in Islam as the Mahdi. The followers of Ismail—called the Ismailis or “Seveners” be- cause they accept the existence of only seven Imams—were not the first to promulgate the doctrine of the Mahdi. The term means “one who guides divinely” and was regularly employed from the beginning of the Islamic era as an honorific title Muhammad was called “Mahdi” as were Ali and his two sons Hasan and Husayn. After the massacre at Karbala both Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr and Muhammad ibn al- Hanafiyyah were proclaimed the Mahdi during their unsuccessful

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186 No god but God revolts against the Umayyad Caliphate. However the Ismailis were the first Islamic sect for whom belief in the Mahdi became the central tenet of faith. Even so it was not until the majority Shi‘ah—known as the “T welvers” because they follow Musa’s line down to the twelfth and final Imam—also adopted the doctrine of the Mahdi that a uniquely Islamic eschatology was developed centered on the “Hidden Imam” who had left this world for a transcendent realm from which he would return on the Day of Judgment to restore justice on earth. Because there is no mention of the Mahdi in the Quran Muslims looked to the hadith for insight into the second coming of the “Hid- den Imam.” As one would expect these traditions differed greatly depending on geographical location and political affiliation. For instance in Syria where Umayyad loyalty dominated both religious and civil concerns the hadith claimed that the Mahdi would be a member of the Quraysh while in Kufa the seat of Shi‘ite aspirations the hadith insisted that the Mahdi would be a direct descendant of Muhammad through his son-in-law Ali his first duty upon returning to earth would naturally be to avenge the massacre at Karbala. Some traditions predicted that the coming of the Mahdi will be portended by civil wars and false prophets earthquakes and the abolition of Islamic law. According to the fourteenth-century historian and philos- opher Ibn Khaldun the Mahdi will either directly precede Jesus or both messiahs will descend to earth together and join forces to kill the Antichrist. As the doctrine of the Mahdi began to dominate Shi‘ism Sunni religious scholars gradually distanced themselves from further specu- lation on the topic. Sunni schools of law openly criticized belief in the Mahdi in an attempt to discourage what was fast becoming a politi- cally disruptive theology. The fears of the Sunni establishment were well warranted. The Abassids overthrew the Umayyad Dynasty partly by appealing to the messianic expectations of the Shi‘ah. Indeed the first Abassid ruler gave himself the messianic title as-Saffah “the Generous”. He was addressed as “The Mahdi of the Hashimis.” The second Abassid Caliph gave himself the title al-Mansur another mes- sianic term for the Mahdi found primarily in Yemen and the third simply called himself “the Mahdi” explicitly identifying his rule with that of the promised restorer.

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�� In the Footsteps of Martyrs 187 With the Imam no longer present on earth the Shi‘ah settled into a long period of political quietism and “cautionary dissimulation” called taqiyyah. Because the exercise of direct political power necessar- ily entailed the usurpation of the Mahdi’s divine authority all govern- ments were considered illegitimate pending his return. As a result the role of the Shi‘ite Ulama was reduced to little more than representa- tives of the Mahdi what Abdulaziz Sachedina has termed “living isnads”: human chains of transmission leading back to the “Hidden Imam.” This is not to say that Shi‘ite governments did not arise. In the year 1501 a sixteen-year-old amir named Ismail conquered Iran and installed himself as the first Shah or King of the Safavid Empire. Ismail proclaimed T welver Shi‘ism to be the official state religion of Iran and initiated a brutal jihad against Sunni Islam both within his land and in the neighboring Ottoman Empire. Ismail’s jihad against the Sunnis ended a few years later at the hands of the Ottoman Sultan Salim I and while that defeat may have halted the Shah’s excursion into Ottoman territory Iran itself was changed forever. Shah Ismail was unmoved by arguments against the legitimacy of a Shi‘ite state in the absence of the “Hidden Imam.” Instead he sim- ply declared himself to be the long-awaited Mahdi boldly crying out at his ascension “I am very God very God very God” Soon after Ismail’s Safavid Dynasty came to an end in the eigh- teenth century Twelver Shi‘ism though remaining the “state reli- gion” in Iran reverted to its former political quietism prompting the ayatollahs to cultivate once more the ideology of taqiyyah and to refrain from directly interfering in the administrations of the Qajar Dynasty which succeeded the Safavids in the nineteenth century and the Pahlavi Dynasty which succeeded the Qajars in the twentieth. All of that changed with the Ayatollah Khomeini. ONAWA R M February morning in 1979 hundreds of thousands of Iranians flooded the streets of Tehran to celebrate the end of the long oppressive reign of Muhammad Reza Pahlavi the last Shah of Iran. Among the crowd on that day were democrats academics and Western-educated intelligentsia liberal and conservative religious cler-

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188 No god but God ics bazaari merchants feminists communists socialists and Marxists Muslims Christians and Jews men women and children—all bound by their disdain for the despotic American-backed régime that had made life in Iran unbearable for so many people for so many years. The crowd pumped their fists in the air shouting “Death to the Shah” and “Death to T yranny” Angry young men gathered through- out the city to burn American flags and chant anti-imperialist slogans against the superpower that had a little more than two decades ear- lier extinguished Iran’s first attempt at democratic revolution. That revolution took place in 1953 when the same improbable coalition of intelligentsia clerics and bazaari merchants managed to topple Iran’s monarchy only to have it forcibly restored by the CIA a few months later. “Death to America” they shouted their chants a warning to the American embassy in T ehran that this revolution would not be hin- dered no matter the cost. There was also on that day another more singular contingent of demonstrators consisting mostly of bearded men and black-veiled women who marched through the streets shouting the names of the martyrs Hasan and Husayn and calling for the advent of the Last Days: the coming of the Mahdi. Almost to a person this raucous group displayed portraits and posters of the stern brooding cleric who had over the last few years become the dominant voice of anti-imperialism in Iran: the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Born in 1902 to a respected family of Shi‘ite clerics Khomeini studied law and theology in the esteemed seminaries of Najaf and Qom. He quickly ascended to the heights of Shi‘ism’s enormously complex clerical hierarchy becoming a mujtahid worthy of emulation at the extraordinarily young age of thirty-two and an ayatollah soon after. Like most Iranians Khomeini blamed Iran’s weak-willed monarchy for allowing the country to be “the slaves of Britain one day and America the next.” However unlike most of his fellow ayatol- lahs who insisted on maintaining their traditional political quietism Khomeini unabashedly injected his moral authority into the sociopo- litical machinations of the state. His ruthless condemnations of the Shah and his repeated calls for the abolishment of the throne finally led to his arrest and exile in 1964.

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In the Footsteps of Martyrs 189 Fifteen years later in 1979 Khomeini returned to Iran tri- umphant and determined to usher in a new era in the country’s his- tory—one that almost no one in the crowd could have predicted. Indeed less than a year later Khomeini would ostracize then execute his political and religious opponents—the same men and women who had brought this revolution to fruition—and replace the transitional government with his personal ideal of the Islamic state: a state in which he alone had final authority over all matters civil legal and religious. But on that February morning no one was calling Khomeini the Faqih “the Jurist”: the title he would eventually give himself as Supreme Leader of the newly formed Islamic Republic of Iran. At that time Khomeini had yet to unveil his plans for absolute clerical rule. Rather amid the chants of “God Quran Khomeini” and the placards that declared the old Ayatollah to be “the Light of Our Life” there was another title being bruited through the crowd like a secret that could not be contained. Khomeini people were whispering was the Mahdi he had returned to Iran to restore Islam to its original state of perfection. The reasons for the success of Khomeinism—the proper term for the religio-political philosophy that ultimately created the Islamic Repub- lic of Iran—are numerous and too complicated to present here in detail. In many ways the Iranian Revolution of 1979 was the in- evitable conclusion of two previous popular revolutions—the Consti- tutional Revolution of 1905–11 and the Nationalist Revolution of 1953—both of which were suppressed by foreign governments the first by the Russians and to a lesser extent the British the second as mentioned by the United States who wished to maintain their grip on Iran’s natural resources. By the late 1970s most Iranians had grown so weary of the corrupt and ineffectual rule of Iran’s monarch Muhammad Reza Pahlavi that another revolution was unavoidable. Faced with an almost total lack of political participation the Shah had eliminated the country’s party system and abolished its constitu- tion a reckless economic agenda that had fueled record inflation a rapid and useless militarization and a widespread loss of national and religious identity the country’s clergy its intellectuals the merchant

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190 No god but God class and nearly every sociopolitical organization in Iran—from the communists to the feminists—put aside their ideological differences and joined together in an anti-imperialist nationalist revolt against a corrupt monarchy. Despite the post-revolution propaganda this was by no means a monolithic revolutionary movement initiated at the behest of the Ayatollah Khomeini with the aim of establishing an Islamic theocracy. On the contrary there were dozens of diverse and sometimes conflicting voices raised against the Shah. Khomeini’s for better or worse was merely the loudest. Khomeini’s genius both as a politician and as a religious leader was his recognition that in a country steeped in the faith and culture of Shi‘ism only the symbols and metaphors of Shi‘ite Islam could pro- vide a common language with which to mobilize the masses. Thus in transforming Iran into his personal vision of theocratic rule Kho- meini turned to the best example history had made available to him: Ismail the Safavid ruler who five hundred years earlier had created the first Shi‘ite state by proclaiming himself the Mahdi. Of course Khomeini never likened himself to the Divine nor did he ever explicitly claim the title of Mahdi—to have done so would have been political suicide. Rather Khomeini consciously embraced the messianic charisma of the Mahdi and allowed his followers to draw their own conclusions. Like all the Mahdis before him Kho- meini claimed descent from the seventh Imam Musa al-Kazim and eagerly accepted the messianic title “Imam.” He deliberately cast Iran’s horrific eight-year war with Saddam Hussein’s Iraq as revenge for the massacre of Husayn and his family at Karbala even though such vengeance was the exclusive right of the Mahdi. In fact the ten thousand Iranian children who were thrown onto the front lines of the war as human mine sweepers wore “keys to paradise” around their necks and headbands emblazoned with the word Karbala to remind them that they were not fighting a war for territory but walking in the footsteps of the martyrs. By far the most overt connection Khomeini established between himself and the Mahdi was his doctrine of the Valayat-e Faqih: “the guardianship of the jurist.” The particulars of this doctrine in which popular sovereignty and divine sovereignty are united in a single gov- ernment will be detailed in the final chapter of this book. For now it

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In the Footsteps of Martyrs 191 is sufficient to understand the basic outline of the doctrine and its place in Khomeini’s political and religious ideology. Khomeini argued that in the absence of the Mahdi divine guid- ance could come only from the Hidden Imam’s representatives on earth: that is the Ulama. Khomeini was not the first Shi‘ite theolo- gian to have made this claim the same idea was formulated at the turn of the twentieth century by politically minded clerics like Sheikh Fazlollah Nuri one of Khomeini’s ideological heroes and the Ayatol- lah Kashani. But the Valayat-e Faqih proposed two startling modifica- tions to traditional Shi‘ite doctrine. First it insisted that absolute authority be concentrated in the hands of a single cleric instead of all qualified clerics. Second it argued that as the deputy of the Mahdi the supreme cleric’s authority was identical to that of the “Hidden Imam.” In other words Khomeini’ s guidance was like the guidance of the Prophet and the twelve Imams infallible and divinely inspired. “When a mujtahid a qualified jurist who is just and learned stands up for the establishment and organization of the government” Khomeini wrote in his historic political treatise Islamic Government “he will enjoy all the rights in the affairs of the society that were enjoyed by the Prophet.” This was an astounding assertion and a radical religious innova- tion in Shi‘ism. Countering long-held beliefs that the Shi‘ah could be led only by the Mahdi when he returns from his occultation in the spiritual realm Khomeini argued instead that it was the responsibility of the clerics to usher in the messianic era by establishing and govern- ing the Mahdi’s state for him. The Valayat-e Faqih proposed that in the absence of the “Hidden Imam” the Faqih—the Supreme Jurist and the country’s “most learned cleric”—should have “the responsi- bility of transacting all the business and carrying out all the affairs with which the Imams were entrusted.” And because he was the repre- sentative of the Mahdi on earth the Faqih held “the same power as the Most Noble Messenger” and would also be entitled to absolute obedience from the people. It is a sign of the great diversity of religious and political thought that exists in Shi‘ism that most other ayatollahs in Iran—including his superiors the Ayatollahs Boroujerdi and Shariatmadari—rejected Kho- meini’ s doctrine of the Valayat-e Faqih arguing that the responsibility

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192 No god but God of Muslim clerics in the modern world was to preserve the spiritual character of the Islamic state not to run it directly. But what made Khomeini so alluring was his ability to couch his theology in the pop- ulist rhetoric of the time. He thus reached out to Iran’s influential communist and Marxist factions by reformulating traditional Shi‘ite ideology into a call for an uprising of the oppressed masses. He wooed the secular nationalists by lacing his speeches with allusions to Iran’s mythic past while purposely obscuring the details of his political phi- losophy. “We do not say that government must be in the hands of the Faqih” he claimed. “Rather we say that government must be run in accordance with God’s laws for the welfare of the country.” What he often failed to mention publicly was that such a state would not be feasible except as he wrote “with the supervision of the religious leaders.” Khomeini balked when his fellow ayatollahs objected that the Valayat-e Faqih merely replaced one form of tyranny with another. After all Khomeini argued the Faqih is no mere secular leader he is the heir to the “Hidden Imam.” As such he does not administer divine justice he is divine justice. Indeed according to Khomeini the Faqih is “not ‘just’ in the limited sense of social justice but in the more rigorous and comprehensive sense that his quality of being just would be annulled if he were to utter a single lie.” Once his colleagues had been intimidated into silence and Iran’s Shi‘ite majority stirred into action Khomeini was free to seize control of the transitional government. Before most Iranians knew what they had accepted he had used his popular mandate to inject his theologi- cal beliefs into the political realm transforming Iran into the Islamic Republic and proclaiming himself the country’s first Faqih: the supreme temporal and religious authority in Iran. The Ayatollah Khomeini died in 1989. Although he was a frail and sickly eighty-seven-year-old man his death took much of the country by surprise. During the funeral his corpse was mobbed in the streets the shroud in which he had been wrapped was torn to pieces and the fragments taken by mourners as relics. There even were those in Iran who refused to believe “the Imam” could have died. Some claimed he was not dead but had only gone into hiding he would return again.

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In the Footsteps of Martyrs 193 Long before his messianic rise to power in Iran however Kho- meini was a devoted disciple of the great mystics of Islam: the Sufis. In fact as an idealistic university student the young Ruhollah secretly filled his notebooks with astonishingly passionate verses describing his yearning to be united with God as a lover is united with his beloved. “Oh I desire a cup of wine from the Beloved’s own hands” Khomeini wrote. “In whom can I confide this secret Where am I to take my grief I have yearned a lifetime to see the Beloved’s face. I am a frenzied moth circling the flame a wild rue seed pod roasting in the fire. See my stained cloak and this prayer rug of hypocrisy. Can I one day tear them to shreds at the tavern door” These may seem startling words for a future ayatollah. But to those familiar with the principles of Sufism Islam’s other major sec- tarian movement they are not at all unfamiliar. For Sufis Islam is nei- ther law nor theology neither creed nor ritual. Islam according to Sufism is merely the means through which the believer can destroy his ego so as to become one with the creator of the heavens and the earth.

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������ 8. Stain Your Prayer Rug with Wine THE SUFI WAY T HIS IS THE legend of Layla and Majnun. Once a boy of exceeding beauty was born into the family of a noble Shaykh. He was named Kais and as he matured it became obvi- ous to all that he would one day become a source of great pride to his family and tribe. Even from a young age his knowledge his diligence his learning and his speech outshone that of all his peers. When he spoke his tongue scattered pearls and when he smiled his cheeks were violet tulips awakening to the sun. One day Kais met a girl so lovely that he was instantly struck with a yearning he could not understand. Her name was Layla meaning “night” and like the night she was both dark and luminous. Her eyes were those of a gazelle her lips two moist rose petals. Layla too felt an emotion for Kais she could not comprehend. The two children were drowning in love though in their youth they knew not what love was. It was as though love were a wine-bearer fill-

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Stain Your Prayer Rug with Wine 195 ing the cups of their hearts to the brim they drank whatever was poured for them and grew drunk without understanding why. Kais and Layla kept their feelings secret as they roamed the alley- ways and passages of the city’s markets close enough to steal a furtive glance and share a giggle far enough not to arouse gossip. But a secret such as this cannot be contained and a whisper is all it takes to topple a kingdom. “Kais and Layla are in love” someone said on the street. Layla’s tribe was furious. Her father removed her from school and banned her from leaving her tent her brothers vowed to ensnare Kais if he ever came near. But one cannot keep the baying hound away from the new moon. Separated from his beloved Kais wandered from stall to stall from tent to tent as if in a trance. Everywhere he went he sang of Layla’s beauty extolling her virtues to whoever crossed his path. The longer he went without seeing Layla the more his love gave way to madness so that soon people began pointing him out on the streets saying “Here comes the madman Here comes the majnun” Kais was mad it is true. But what is madness Is it to be consumed by the flames of love Is the moth mad to immolate itself in the fires of its desire If so then yes Kais was mad. Kais was Majnun. Clad in rags and stripped of his sanity Majnun left the city and wandered aimlessly through the mountains and wastelands of the Hijaz composing mournful odes to his absent beloved. He was home- less and tribeless an exile from the land of happiness. Good and evil right and wrong no longer had any meaning for him. He was a lover he knew nothing but love. He abandoned reason and lived as an out- cast in the desert his hair filthy and matted his clothes tattered. In his madness Majnun came to the Ka‘ba. Pushing through the crowd of pilgrims he rushed at the sanctuary and hammered upon its doors shouting “O Lord let my love grow Let it blossom to per- fection and endure. Let me drink from the wellspring of love until my thirst is quenched. Love is all I have all I am and all I ever want to be” The pilgrims were appalled. They watched as he fell to the ground heaping dust on his head cursing himself for the weakness of his passions. Majnun’ s actions shamed his family and tribe but he himself knew

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196 No god but God no shame. When he heard of Layla’s arranged marriage to a man of untold wealth named Ibn Salam Majnun lost all sense and reason. T earing off his clothes he crawled naked through the wilderness like an animal. He slept in ravines with the beasts of the desert eating wild plants and drinking rainwater. He grew famous for his love. People from all over the land sought him out sometimes sitting with him for hours as he spoke of his beloved Layla. One day while he was idly reciting his verses to a captive audi- ence a scrap of paper borne by the wind landed on his lap. On it were written two words: “Layla” and “Majnun.” As the crowd watched Majnun tore the paper in half. The half on which was written “Layla” he crumpled into a ball and threw over his shoulder the half with his own name he kept for himself. “What does this mean” someone asked. “Do you not realize that one name is better than two” Majnun replied. “If only you knew the reality of love you would see that when you scratch a lover you find his beloved.” “But why throw away Layla’s name and not your own” asked another. Majnun glowered at the man. “The name is a shell and nothing more. It is what the shell hides that counts. I am the shell and Layla is the pearl I am the veil and she is the face beneath it.” The crowd though they knew not the meaning of his words were amazed by the sweetness of his tongue. Meanwhile trapped by the restrictions of her tribe and forced to marry a man she did not love Layla was plunged into a lonely dark- ness. She suffered as deeply as Majnun but did not have his freedom. She too wanted to live with the beasts of the desert to declare her love for Majnun from the tops of the mountains. But she was a prisoner in her own tent and in her own heart. When one morning an old mer- chant passing by her tribe brought her news of Majnun Layla felt like a reed swaying in the wind hollow and weightless. “Without your radiance” the old man told her “Majnun’s soul is like the ocean in a winter’s night whipped up by a thousand storms. Like a man possessed he roams the mountainside screaming and shouting. And there is but one word on his lips: ‘Layla.’ ”

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Stain Your Prayer Rug with Wine 197 “The blame is all mine” Layla cried flinging curses on herself. “I am the one who has set fire to my lover’s heart and reduced his being to ashes.” Desperate she removed the jewels from her earrings and handed them to the old merchant. “These are for you. Now go to Majnun and bring him here. I only want to see him to look upon his face for a little while to bathe in the light of his countenance for but a moment.” The old man agreed. For days he searched the desert for Majnun. When he finally found him he relayed Layla’s message. “Could you not bring yourself to break your vows of separation from the world to look upon her tearful face just for a second” he pleaded. “Little does anyone understand me” Majnun thought. “Do they not realize that their idea of happiness is not mine Do they not see that while it may be possible for them to have their wishes granted in this life my longing is something else entirely something that cannot be fulfilled while I remain in this transient world” But Majnun could not resist the opportunity to look upon the face of his beloved. Putting on a cloak he followed the merchant to a palm grove and hid there while the old man left to fetch Layla. As the merchant led her by the hand to the grove to Majnun Layla’s entire body trembled. When no more than twenty paces sepa- rated her from her lover she froze. The old man tugged on her arm but Layla could not move. “Noble sir” she pleaded “this far but no farther. Even now I am like a burning candle one step closer to the fire and I shall be con- sumed completely.” The old man left her and went to Majnun. Pulling him out of the palm grove he brought the boy—his face drained of color his eyes glass—under the moonlight and pointed him toward Layla. Majnun stumbled forward. Light from the stars peeked through the tops of the palm trees. There was a movement in the darkness and suddenly under the dome of heaven Layla and Majnun faced each other. It was only a moment: a rush of blood to the cheeks. The two lovers stared at one another drunk with the wine of love. Yet though they were now close enough to touch they knew that such wine could be tasted only in paradise. A breath a sigh a stifled cry and Majnun

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198 No god but God turned and ran from the grove back into the desert vanishing like a shadow into the night. Years passed. The leaves on the palm trees lost their color. The flowers shed their petals in mourning. As the countryside turned yel- low and wan and the gardens slowly withered so did Layla. The light in her eyes dimmed and with her final breath she breathed her lover’s name. When Majnun heard of the death of his beloved he rushed back home and writhed in the dust of her grave. He lay down and pressed his body to the earth as though in prayer but his parched lips could utter only one word: “Layla.” Finally he was released from his pain and longing. His soul broke free and he was no more. Some say Majnun’s body lay on top of Layla’s grave for months others say years. No one dared approach for the grave was guarded night and day by the beasts of the desert. Even the vultures that swooped above the tomb would not touch Majnun. Eventually all that remained of him was dust and bones. Only then did the animals aban- don their master to lope back into the wilderness. After the animals had gone and the dust of Majnun was swept away by the wind a new headstone was fashioned for Layla’s tomb. It read: T wo lovers lie in this one tomb United forever in death’s dark womb. Faithful in separation true in love: May one tent house them in heaven above. Sufism—the term given to Islam’s immensely complex and infinitely diverse mystical tradition—is as Reynold Nicholson long ago observed fundamentally indefinable. Even the word Sufi provides lit- tle help in classifying this movement. The term tasawwuf meaning “the state of being a Sufi” is without significance referring as it prob- ably does to the coarse wool garments or suf which the first Sufis wore as an emblem of their poverty and detachment from the world. Indeed as a descriptive term the word Sufi is practically interchange- able with the words darvish or faqir meaning “mendicant” or “poor.” Some have argued that Sufi is derived from the Arabic word safwe

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Stain Your Prayer Rug with Wine 199 meaning “elected” or suffa meaning “purity” though both of these must be rejected on etymological grounds. Others have suggested that Sufi is a corruption of the Greek word sophia: “wisdom.” This is also unlikely though there is a tempting symbolic connection between the two words. For if sophia is to be understood in its Aristotelian sense as “knowledge of ultimate things” then it is very much related to the term Sufi just not linguistically. As a religious movement Sufism is characterized by a medley of divergent philosophical and religious trends as though it were an empty caldron into which have been poured the principles of Chris- tian monasticism and Hindu asceticism along with a sprinkling of Buddhist and Tantric thought a touch of Islamic Gnosticism and Neoplatonism and finally a few elements of Shi‘ism Manichaeism and Central Asian shamanism thrown in for good measure. Such a hodgepodge of influences may frustrate scholarly analysis but it also indicates how Sufism may have formed in its earliest stages. The first Sufis were loosely affiliated and highly mobile individu- als who traveled throughout the Muslim Empire seeking intimate knowledge of God. As these “wandering darvishes” grew in number temporary boarding houses were constructed in high traffic areas like Baghdad and Khurasan where the mendicants could gather together and share what they had learned during their spiritual journeys. By the eleventh century—around the same time that the Abassids were actively persecuting the Shi‘ah for their heterodox behavior—these boarding houses had become permanent structures resembling clois- ters a few of which gradually evolved into sophisticated schools or Orders of mysticism. The Sufi Orders centered on a spiritual master who had with- drawn permanently from the Ummah to pursue the path of self- purification and inner enlightenment. Called Shaykhs in Arabic and Pirs in Persian both of which mean “old man” these Sufi masters were themselves the disciples of earlier legendary masters whose unsystematic teachings they had collected so as to pass them on to a new generation of disciples. As each disciple reached a level of spiri- tual maturity he would then be charged with transmitting his master’s words to his own pupils and so on. It is therefore easy to see why Sufism appears like an eclectic recipe whose ingredients have been

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200 No god but God collected from a variety of sources over a long period of time. Of course as the Sufi master Shaykh Fadhlalla Haeri teaches “there is a big difference between merely collecting recipes and actually cooking and eating.” Nevertheless it is important to recognize that Sufism like Shi‘ism was a reactionary movement against both the Imperial Islam of the Muslim Dynasties and the rigid formalism of Islam’s “ortho- dox” learned class the Ulama. Both sects vigorously employed ta’wil to uncover the hidden meaning of the Quran both concentrated their spiritual activities on devotion to the Prophet Muhammad and both developed cults of personality around saintly characters—whether Imams or Pirs. But while the Shi‘ah and Sufis existed in the same spiritual dimen- sion and most certainly influenced each other Sufism represents a rare anti-intellectual strain within Islam dedicated solely to esoteri- cism and devotionalism. Also unlike the Shi‘ah the Sufis were not interested in political power. Although they eventually entered the political realm especially in the Indian subcontinent the Sufi Pirs ini- tially eschewed all temporal authority and completely removed them- selves from the political and theological infighting that pervaded the Muslim community during its formative period. Instead the Sufis strove toward asceticism and detachment from the Ummah and its worldly trappings through a life of simplicity and poverty. “If you can- not change the kings” the Sufis argued “then change yourself.” In their rituals and practices the Sufis sought the annihilation of the ego. And while this goal may be common to all mystical move- ments there are a few very important differences between Sufism and traditional ideals of mysticism. First there exists in Islam a stringent anti-monasticism that permeates all aspects of the believer’s life. Put simply Islam is a communal religion. It abhors radical and reclusive individualism. One could argue that a Muslim who rejects the Ummah is like a Roman Catholic who denies the Apostolic Church: both are deliberately separating themselves from the source of their salvation. Although most Sufi masters withdrew from society they were not monks their disciples were artisans chemists and mer- chants who lived and worked in the real world. A true Sufi Shaykh Haeri writes “does not separate the inner from the outer” for when

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Stain Your Prayer Rug with Wine 201 you “start by purifying your inner self you end up being concerned with the outer and with society.” Secondly the Quran categorically derides celibacy—another common tradition in mysticism—as being against the command of God to “be fruitful and multiply.” A significant portion of the Revela- tion is dedicated to the strengthening and preservation of the family which in Islam is considered to be the model for the Ummah and a microcosm of all creation. In fact the Quran repeatedly equates filial loyalty with fidelity to God 2:83 4:36 6:151 31:14. So while there were a few notable Sufi celibates—like the famed Rabia of Basra who despite her legendary beauty rebuffed all suitors in order to give her- self completely to God—celibacy never became a widespread phe- nomenon in Sufism. But perhaps the most important difference between Sufism and traditional religious mysticism is that the latter tends to remain per- manently attached to its “parent” religion while Sufism though born from Islam treats its parent as a shell that must be cast off if one is to experience direct knowledge of God. In other words the formal reli- gion of Islam is the prelude to Sufism rather than its prominent motif. Islam like all religions can only claim to point humanity to God whereas Sufism’s goal is to thrust humanity toward God. This does not mean that Sufism rejects Islam and its religious and legal requirements altogether. Despite the occasionally violent Shi‘ite and Sunni accusations to the contrary Sufis are Muslims. They pray as Muslims. They worship as Muslims. They use Muslim symbols and metaphors and follow Muslim creeds and rituals. To quote the esteemed Sufi Shaykh of the Rifa’i Order in Jerusalem Muhammad ash-Shadhili “If you want to walk in . . . the Way of the Prophet you must be a real Muslim . . . one who gives everything to his God to be His slave.” That said Sufis consider all orthodoxy all traditional teachings the law theology and the Five Pillars inadequate for attaining true knowledge of God. Even the Quran which Sufis respect as the direct speech of God lacks the capacity to shed light upon God’s essence. As one Sufi master has argued why spend time reading a love letter by which he means the Quran in the presence of the Beloved who wrote it

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202 No god but God Just as all journeys must have a beginning so the Sufi path only originates with the “outer shell” of Islam. As the Sufi passes from one stage to another on the way to “self-annihilation” and unity with the Divine that shell must be gradually discarded for as Majnun said “It is what the shell hides that counts.” Sufis believe that reason and theology creed and ritual law and its commandments all must be replaced in the soul of the enlightened person with the supreme virtue: love. It is not surprising that most Muslims have historically regarded Sufism with suspicion. The Sufi assertion that human reason cannot fathom the Divine that such knowledge can come only from intuitive perception of ultimate reality naturally infuriated the religious authorities. It did not help matters that the Sufis rejected the Shariah as inapplicable to their search for the secret knowledge of the inner world. As noted Islamic law is concerned with the external zahir nature of faith: it is quantitative it can be regulated. But the internal batin cannot and therefore represents a grave threat to the religious authorities. Worse by detaching themselves from the Muslim com- munity the Sufis appeared to be creating their own Ummah in which the Pirs replaced the Ulama as the sole religious authorities. In rejecting the rigidity of the Shariah and its traditional interpre- tations Sufism eagerly absorbed all manner of local beliefs and cus- toms and became immensely popular throughout those areas of the Muslim Empire that were not dominated by Arab majorities. In India Sufism spread like fire as it enthusiastically syncretized anti-caste Muslim values with traditional Indian practices such as controlled breathing sitting postures and meditation. In Central Asia a cadre of Persian Sufis developed a wholly new scriptural canon character- ized by a rich panoply of poetry songs and Sufi literature which unlike the Quran was written in the vernacular language and easily disseminated throughout the Empire. This brief outline of Sufism’s origins may clarify how the move- ment arose and spread but it in no way explains what Sufism is. Nor could it. That is because Sufism is a religious movement that can only be described it cannot be defined. Consider the following parable originally composed by the great-

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Stain Your Prayer Rug with Wine 203 est of all Sufi poets Jalal ad-Din Rumi d. 1273 and recounted by Idris Shah the Grand Shaykh of Sardana: A Persian a T urk an Arab and a Greek were traveling to a distant land when they began arguing over how to spend the single coin they possessed among themselves. All four craved food but the Persian wanted to spend the coin on angur the Turk on uzum the Arab on inab and the Greek on stafil. The argument became heated as each man insisted on having what he desired. A linguist passing by overheard their quarrel. “Give the coin to me” he said. “I undertake to satisfy the desires of all of you.” Taking the coin the linguist went to a nearby shop and bought four small bunches of grapes. He then returned to the men and gave them each a bunch. “This is my angur” cried the Persian. “But this is what I call uzum” replied the T urk. “Y ou have brought me my inab” the Arab said. “No This in my language is stafil.” All of a sudden the men realized that what each of them had desired was in fact the same thing only they did not know how to express themselves to each other. The four travelers represent humanity in its search for an inner spiritual need it cannot define and which it expresses in different ways. The linguist is the Sufi who enlightens humanity to the fact that what it seeks its religions though called by different names are in reality one identical thing. However—and this is the most important aspect of the parable—the linguist can offer the travelers only the grapes and nothing more. He cannot offer them wine which is “the essence of the fruit.” In other words human beings cannot be given the secret of ultimate reality for such knowledge cannot be shared but must be ex- perienced through an arduous inner journey toward self-annihilation. As the transcendent Iranian poet Saadi of Shiraz wrote I am a dreamer who is mute And the people are deaf. I am unable to say And they are unable to hear.

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�� 204 No god but God What is Sufism It is the love of Majnun for Layla. It is “numberless waves lapping and momentarily reflecting the sun—all from the same sea” according to the Sufi master Halki. It is the practice of “adopting every higher quality and leaving every lower quality” in the words of the Patriarch of Sufism Ibn Junayd d. 910. The Sufi is “not Chris- tian or Jew or Muslim” Rumi wrote. He is not of “any religion or cul- tural system . . . not from the East or the West not out of the ocean or up from the ground not natural or ethereal not composed of ele- ments at all . . . not an entity of this world or the next.” He is in Ishan Kaiser’s description “the actual temple of the fire worshipper the priest of the Magian the inner reality of the crossed-legged Brahmin meditating the brush and the color of the artist.” Drunk without wine sated without food a king beneath a humble cloak a treasure within a ruin Sufism is to Islam what the heart is to the human being: its vital center the seat of its essence. It is in Maj- nun’s words “the pearl hidden in the shell the face beneath the veil.” Sufism is the secret subtle reality concealed at the very depths of the Muslim faith and only by mining those depths can one gain any understanding of this enigmatic sect. O NE SPRING MORNING in tenth-century Baghdad the frenetic but scrupulously controlled markets of the capital city were thrown into a state of agitation when a raggedly dressed man named Husayn ibn Mansur al-Hallaj—one of the earliest and most renowned Sufi masters—burst onto the crowded square and exclaimed at the top of his voice Ana al-Haqq “I am the Truth” by which he meant “I am God” The market authorities were scandalized. They immediately arrested al-Hallaj and handed him over to the Ulama for judgment. The Ulama in Baghdad were already familiar with this controversial Sufi master. Although born a Zoroastrian into a priestly Magian fam- ily in southern Iran al-Hallaj had converted to Islam and moved to the Abassid capital of Baghdad at a fairly young age. An early disciple of the legendary Sufi Pir T ustari d. 896 he had matured into a charis- matic preacher known for performing miraculous deeds and making

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Stain Your Prayer Rug with Wine 205 outrageous statements. Called “the Nourisher” by his disciples al- Hallaj first gained notoriety not to mention the ire of the religious authorities by claiming that the Hajj was an internal pilgrimage that a person of pure heart could perform anywhere. He further alienated the Ulama by focusing the bulk of his teachings on Jesus whom he con- sidered to be a Hidden Sufi. For these declarations he was condemned as a fanatic and a “secret Christian.” But it was his intolerably heretical claim to have achieved unity with the Divine that made al-Hallaj the most famous though by no means the only Sufi martyr in history. Although given numerous chances to recant during his eight years of imprisonment al-Hallaj refused. Finally the Abassid Caliph al- Muqtadir under pressure from the religious authorities sentenced him to death. As a demonstration of the severity of his heresy the Caliph had al-Hallaj tortured flogged mutilated and crucified his corpse was decapitated his body dismembered his remains burned and the ashes scattered in the Tigris River. What did al-Hallaj mean Was he actually claiming to be God If so how can we reconcile Sufism as a legitimate sect of such a radically monotheistic and fervently iconoclastic religion as Islam Many prominent Sufis roundly condemned al-Hallaj. Al-Ghazali perhaps the most important Muslim mystic in the history of Islam referred to al-Hallaj in his eleventh-century masterpiece The Alchemy of Happiness as a “foolish babbler” whose death was “a greater benefit to the cause of true religion.” Al-Ghazali did not criticize al-Hallaj for claiming to have achieved a level of spiritual unification with God in which his essence had merged with the essence of the Divine. What he and others objected to was the fact that al-Hallaj had publicly dis- closed what was meant to be a secret. Having spent his life striving to harmonize Islamic mysticism with Islamic orthodoxy he was incredibly both a Sufi and a T raditionalist Ash‘arite al-Ghazali understood better than anyone that such eso- teric knowledge must be revealed slowly and in stages. Just as “a child has no real knowledge of the attainments of an adult” and an unlet- tered adult “cannot understand the attainments of a learned man” so al-Ghazali wrote in Revival of the Religious Sciences not even a learned man can understand “the experiences of enlightened saints.”

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206 No god but God Al-Hallaj’s offense was not the sacrilege of his startling declara- tion but its imprudent disclosure to those who could not possibly understand what he meant. Sufi teaching can never be revealed to the unprepared or the spiritually immature. As al-Hujwiri d. 1075 argued it is all too easy for the uninitiated to “mistake the Sufi’s intention and repudiate not his real meaning but a notion which they formed for themselves.” Even al-Hallaj admitted that his experience of unity with God came after a long journey of inward reflection. “Your Spirit mixed with my Spirit little by little” he wrote of God in his Diwan “by turns through reunions and abandons. And now I am Y ourself. Y our existence is my own and it is also my will.” Therefore to understand where al-Hallaj ended on this inward journey one must look back to where he began: at the first station on the long and arduous path of spiritual self-reflection that Sufis call the tariqah: the Way. The tariqah is the mystical journey that leads the Sufi away from the external reality of religion and toward the divine reality—the only reality—of God. As with all journeys the Way has an end though it should not be imagined as a straight road leading to a fixed destination but rather as a majestic mountain whose peak con- ceals the presence of God. There are of course many paths to the summit—some better than others. But because every path eventually leads to the same destination which path one takes is irrelevant. All that matters is to be on a path to be constantly moving toward the top—one measured controlled and strictly supervised step at a time—passing diligently through specific “abodes and stations” along the Way each of which is marked by an ineffable experience of spiri- tual evolution until one finally reaches the end of the journey: that moment of enlightenment in which the veil of reality is stripped away the ego obliterated and the self utterly consumed by God. By far the most famous parable describing the Sufi Way and the sta- tions that a disciple must pass through on the journey toward self- annihilation was composed by the twelfth-century Iranian perfumer and alchemist Farid ad-Din Attar d. 1230. In Attar’s epic master- piece The Conference of the Birds the birds of the world have gathered around the hoopoe a mythical bird who has been chosen by lot to guide them on a journey to see the Simurgh: King of the Birds. Before

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Stain Your Prayer Rug with Wine 207 they can begin the journey however the birds must first declare their absolute obedience to the hoopoe promising that Whatever he commands along the Way We must without recalcitrance obey. The oath is necessary the hoopoe explains because the journey will be perilous and fraught with physical and emotional adversity and only he knows the Way. Consequently he must be followed without question regardless of what he demands. T o reach the Simurgh the birds will have to traverse seven treach- erous valleys each representing a station along the Way. The first is the Valley of the Quest in which the birds must “renounce the world” and repent of their sins. This is followed by the Valley of Love where each bird will be plunged into seas of fire “until his very being is enflamed.” Next is the Valley of Mystery where every bird must take a different path for “There are so many roads and each is fit / For that pilgrim who must follow it.” In the Valley of Detachment “all claims all lust for meaning disappear” while in the Valley of Unity the many are merged into one: “The oneness of diversity / Not oneness locked in singularity.” Upon reaching the sixth valley the Valley of Bewilderment the birds—weary and perplexed—break through the veil of traditional dualities and are suddenly confronted with the emptiness of their being. “I have no certain knowledge anymore” they weep in confusion. I doubt my doubt doubt itself is unsure I love but who is it for whom I sigh Not Muslim yet not heathen who am I Finally at the end of the journey the birds arrive at the Valley of Nothingness in which stripped of their egos they “put on the cloak that signifies oblivion” and become consumed by the spirit of the uni- verse. Only when all seven valleys have been traversed when the birds have learned to “destroy the mountain of the Self ” and “give up the intellect for love” are they allowed to continue to the throne of the Simurgh.

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208 No god but God Of the thousands of birds who began the journey with the hoopoe only thirty make it to the end. With “hopeless hearts and tat- tered trailing wings” these thirty birds are led into the presence of the Simurgh. Yet when they finally set their eyes upon him they are astonished to see not the King of Birds they had expected but rather themselves. Simurgh is the Persian word for “thirty birds” and it is here at the end of the Way that the birds are confronted with the reality that although they have “struggled wandered traveled far” it is “themselves they sought” and “themselves they are.” “I am the mir- ror set before your eyes” the Simurgh says. “And all who come before my splendor see / Themselves their own unique reality.” Attar was a Sufi master who developed through his poetry and teach- ings the concept of “spiritual alchemy” in which the soul was treated like a transmutable base metal that must be rid of impurities before it can be restored to its original pristine—one could say golden—state. Like most Sufis Attar considered all souls to be receptacles for God’s message. At the same time he believed there exist varying degrees of receptivity in every individual depending on where he or she is on the Way. During the first stages of the Way where the great majority of humanity find themselves the nafs which is the self the ego the psy- che the “I”—however one chooses to define the “sum of individual egocentric tendencies”—remains the sole reality. As the disciple moves along the Way he encounters the ruh or Universal Spirit. The Quran refers to the ruh as “the breath of God” blown into Adam to give life to his body 15:29. In this sense the ruh is equated with the divine eternal animating spirit that permeates creation—that is itself the essence of creation. The ruh is Pure Being. It is that which Hindus call prana and Taoists call ch’i it is the ethereal force underlying the universe that Christian mystics refer to when they speak of the Holy Spirit. In traditional Sufi doctrine the ruh is locked in an eternal battle with the nafs for possession of the heart—the qalb—which is not the seat of emotion emotions in most Muslim cultures reside in the belly but rather the vital center of human existence—“the seat of an essence that transcends individual form” in the words of Titus Burck-

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Stain Your Prayer Rug with Wine 209 hardt. In more familiar terms the qalb is equivalent to the traditional Western notion of the soul as the driving force of the intellect. An individual enters the final stages of the Way when the nafs begins to release its grip on the qalb thus allowing the ruh—which is present in all humanity but is cloaked in the veil of the self—to absorb the qalb as though it were a drop of dew plunged into a vast endless sea. When this occurs the individual achieves fana: ecstatic intoxicat- ing self-annihilation. This is the final station along the Sufi Way. It is here at the end of the journey when the individual has been stripped of his ego that he becomes one with the Universal Spirit and achieves unity with the Divine. Although the actual number of stations along the Way varies depending on the tradition Attar’s Order for instance acknowledged seven of them Sufis are adamant that the steps must be taken one at a time. As Rumi wrote “before you can drink the fifth cup you must have drunk the first four each of them delicious.” Furthermore each station must be completed under the strict supervision of a Pir only someone who has himself finished the journey can lead others along the path. “Do not travel through these stations without the company of a perfect master” warned the glorious Sufi poet Hafiz. “There is darkness. Beware of the danger of getting lost” The Pir is the “Sublime Elixir” the one who transmutes “the cop- per of seekers’ hearts into pure gold and cleanses their being” to quote the Sufi scholar Javad Nurbakhsh. Like the hoopoe the Pir demands perfect submission from his disciples who pledge him their loyalty in the form of a bay’ah the oath of allegiance traditionally given to a Shaykh or a Caliph. Yet the Pir enjoys far greater authority than any Shaykh or Caliph ever could for he is “the friend of God.” The Pir is not just a spiritual guide he is “the eyes through which God regards the world.” In much of Sufi poetry the Pir is referred to as “the cosmic pole” or qutb: the axis around which the spiritual energy of the universe rotates. This concept is brought vividly to life by the famed T urkish Sufi Order of Whirling Darvishes who perform a spir- itual trance-inducing dance in which disciples mimic the movement of the cosmos by spinning in place sometimes for hours at a time while simultaneously orbiting the Pir who becomes the center of their constructed universe.

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210 No god but God As those who have completed the Way Sufi Pirs are venerated as saints. The anniversaries of their deaths are holy days termed urs Persian for “weddings” because in dying and leaving this world the Pir is finally united with God. Their tombs are pilgrimage sites— especially for impoverished Muslims for whom the Hajj is unfeasi- ble—where devotees gather with their oaths petitions and appeals for intercession. So great is the Pir’ s spiritual power—his baraka—that merely touching his tomb can heal a sick man of his illness or impart fertility to a barren woman. As with the majority of Sufi activities these tombs are completely egalitarian with regard to sex ethnicity and even faith. Particularly in the Indian subcontinent it is not unusual for Christians Sikhs Hindus and Muslims to congregate in nearly equal numbers inside the mausoleums of Sufi saints. By the sheer power of their spiritual charisma the Pirs gather dis- ciples in order to impart to them the esoteric knowledge Sufis call erfan. Like the Greek term gnosis erfan refers to a heightened level of knowing in which one is able to intuit ultimate reality. However erfan is a nonintellectual nonrational knowing that in the words of Shah Angha the forty-second Pir of the Oveyssi Order can be achieved only “through self-discipline and purification in which case there is no need to become involved in the method of reasoning.” Because the intellect cannot fathom the divine mystery the Sufis believe that true understanding of the nature of the universe and humanity’s place in it can be achieved only when reason has been abandoned for love. Of all the principles that the Sufi disciple must integrate into his life none is more important than the principle of love. Love is the foundation of Sufism. It is the language through which Sufism is most perfectly expressed and the sole avenue through which its ideals can be understood. The experience of love represents the most universal station on the Sufi Way for it is love—not theology and certainly not the law—that engenders knowledge of God. According to the Sufis God’s very essence—God’s substance—is love. Love is the agent of creation. Sufism does not allow for the con- cept of creation ex nihilo because before there was anything there was love: that is God loving God’s self in a primordial state of unity. It was only when God desired to express this love to an “other” that human-

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Stain Your Prayer Rug with Wine 211 ity was created in the image of the Divine. Humanity then is God made manifest it is God objectified through love. When Sufis speak of their love for God they are not referring to the traditional Christian concept of agape or spiritual love quite the opposite. This is a passionate all-consuming humiliating self- denying love. As with Majnun’s love for Layla Sufi love requires the unconditional surrender to the Beloved’s will with no regard for one’s own well-being. This is love to the point of utter self-annihilation indeed that is its very purpose. Love according to Attar is the fire that obliterates the ego and purifies the soul and the lover is he who “flares and burns . . .” Whose face is fevered who in frenzy yearns Who knows no prudence who will gladly send A hundred worlds toward their blazing end Who knows of neither faith nor blasphemy Who has no time for doubt or certainty T o whom both good and evil are the same And who is neither but a living flame. Like most mystics Sufis strive to eliminate the dichotomy between subject and object in their worship. The goal is to create an inseparable union between the individual and the Divine. In Sufism this union is most often expressed through the most vivid most explicit sexual imagery. Thus Hafiz wrote of God “The scent of Y our hair fulfills my life and the sweetness of Y our lips has no counterpart.” Some of the most captivating use of sexual imagery in Sufism can be found in the writings of the aforementioned Rabia of Basra 717–801. Orphaned at a young age Rabia became a slave and the sex- ual property of her master. Y et she longed throughout her life to expe- rience mystical union with God sometimes going without sleep for weeks at a time in order to fast pray and meditate on the movement of the universe. It was during one of these nightly meditations that her master first noticed a blinding nimbus of light shining above her head illuminating the entire house. T errified he immediately set Rabia free allowing her to go into the desert to pursue the Way. There in the

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212 No god but God wilderness Rabia achieved fana becoming the first though not the only female Sufi master: a woman in whose presence the venerable scholar Hasan al-Basra admitted to feeling spiritually bankrupt. Like her Christian counterpart Teresa of Avila Rabia’s poetry betrays a profoundly intimate encounter with God: Y ou are my breath My hope My companion My craving My abundant wealth. Without Y ou—my Life my Love— I would never have wandered across these endless countries... I look everywhere for Y our love— Then I am suddenly filled with it. O Captain of my Heart Radiant Eye of Y earning in my breast I will never be free from Y ou As long as I live. Be satisfied with me Love And I am satisfied. This intense longing for the Beloved so prevalent in Rabia’s verses betrays an important aspect of the Sufi conception of love. Above all else this is a love that must remain unfulfilled as Majnun dis- covered in the palm orchard. After all as Attar’ s birds realized on their journey to the Simurgh one cannot begin the Way expecting to com- plete it only a handful of individuals will reach the final destination and achieve unity with God. For this reason the Sufi is often compared to the bride who sits on her marriage bed “roses strewn on the cush- ions” yearning for the arrival of the Bridegroom though she knows he may never come. And yet the bride waits she will wait forever “dying from love” aching for the beloved crying out with every breath “Come to me Come to me” until she ceases to exist as a separate entity and becomes nothing more than a lover loving the Beloved in perfect union. As al-Hallaj wrote of his experience of unity with the Divine:

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Stain Your Prayer Rug with Wine 213 I am He whom I love and He whom I love is I. We are two spirits dwelling in one body If thou seest me thou seest Him And if thou seest Him thou seest us both. If then the perfect love is unrequited love—the kind of love that expects nothing in return—then the perfect lover and the paradigm of love for Sufis is Iblis or Satan who began his existence as an angel in “the Way of devotion to the service of God” but who was cast out of God’s presence for refusing to bow before Adam. Rumi illustrates in his “Apology of Iblis” that this refusal to obey God “arose from love of God not from disobedience.” After all “all envy arises from love for fear lest another become the companion of the Beloved.” Though cast into hell never to see the face of God again Iblis continues to yearn for his Beloved who “rocked my cradle” and “found milk for me in my infancy.” He will pine for God forever cry- ing out from the depths of hell “I am mated by Him mated by Him mated by Him” If this somewhat flattering impression of Iblis is shocking to most Muslims it is important to remember that that is precisely the point. As Attar claimed “Love knows of neither faith nor blasphemy.” Only by breaking through the veil of traditional dualities which human beings have constructed in order to categorize proper moral and reli- gious behavior can one achieve fana. The Sufi knows no dualities only unity. There is no good and evil no light and dark there is only God. This notion should not be confused with the Hindu principle of maya the illusion of reality or the Buddhist doctrine of sunyata the emptiness of all things. For the Sufi reality is neither emptiness nor illusion reality is God. “Whichever way one turns there is God” the Quran says “God is all-pervading and all-knowing” 2:115. And because tawhid insists God is one the Sufis argue reality must also be one. The atom the sun the galaxies and the universe Are surely but names images and forms. One they are in reality and only one.

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214 No god but God In traditional Western philosophy this concept of radical unity is often called monism: the notion that all things despite their variety can be reduced to a single unified “thing” in either space time essence or quality. However it is perhaps more appropriate to refer to the Sufi ideal of radical unity as ahadiyyah or “oneness” to emphasize the theistic quality of this monistic ideal: al-Ahad being the first and most important of God’s ninety-nine beautiful names. It is precisely this theistic monism that leads Sufis to reject tradi- tional dualities not because they eschew morally correct behavior but because they accept only “the Existence of Oneness”: that is Divine Unity. Admittedly this concept has led to a great deal of confusion about the true teachings of Sufism especially in light of the actions of the so-called Drunken Sufis who blatantly violated Islamic law by publicly drinking gambling and womanizing as a means of overcom- ing the external aspects of religion. The nonexistence of traditional dualities is however usually demonstrated through metaphor. And the most common metaphor for doing so is that of drunkenness and debauchery both of which have become dominant symbols in Sufi poetry for this self-annihilating and intoxicating love. “I will take one hundred barrels of wine tonight” wrote Omar Khayyám in his superb Rubáiyát. “I will leave all reason and religion behind and take the maidenhead of wine for mine.” Khayyám’s wine is spiritual wine—it represents “the grace of the Lord of the World”— and the Sufi is he who has rejected the traditional ideals of religious piety and moral behavior who has fled “reason and the tangled web of the intellect” in order to fill the cup of his heart with the intoxicating wine of God’s love. So says Hafiz: “Piety and moral goodness have naught to do with ecstasy stain your prayer rug with wine” Once the veil of traditional dualities has been lifted the ego oblit- erated and the ruh allowed to absorb the qalb the disciple finally achieves fana which as mentioned is best translated as “ecstatic self- annihilation.” It is here at the end of the Way that the truth of the Divine Unity of all creation is revealed and the Sufi realizes that in the words of Shah Angha “the brook the river the drop the sea the bubble all in one voice say: Water we are water.” By discarding his own qualities and attributes through a radical act of self-annihilation the Sufi enters fully into the qualities and

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Stain Your Prayer Rug with Wine 215 attributes of God. He does not become God as fana is so often misun- derstood by Sunni and Shi‘ite Muslims rather the Sufi is drowned in God so that Creator and creation become one. This concept of Divine Unity is most keenly expressed by the great mystic and scholar Ibn al-Arabi 1165–1240 who reformulated the traditional Muslim profession from “There is no god but God” to “There is no Being other than the Being of God there is no Reality other than the Reality of God.” In Ibn al-Arabi’s school of thought—a school so influential to the development of Sufism that this entire chapter could be devoted to it—humanity and the cosmos as two separate but intimately con- nected constructions of the Universal Spirit are like two mirrors reflecting one another. By employing ta’wil Ibn al-Arabi reinter- preted the Quran’s statement that God created humanity “from a sin- gle soul” 4:1 to mean that the universe itself is “as a single being.” For al-Arabi human beings are thus “an abridgment of the great cos- mic book” and those few individuals who have “fully realized their essential oneness with the Divine Being” to quote Reynold Nichol- son are transformed into what al-Arabi terms “the Perfect Man” also called “the Universal Man”. The Perfect Man is he for whom individuality is merely an exter- nal form but whose inward reality conforms to the universe itself. Heis “the copy of God” in the words of al-Arabi’s greatest disciple Abdul Karim al-Jili: he is the one in whom the divine attributes are perfectly reflected the medium through which God is made manifest. Although Sufism considers all prophets and messengers as well as the Imams and the Pirs to be representatives of the Perfect Man for Sufis the paradigm of this unique being is none other than the Prophet Muhammad himself. All Muslims look to the example of the Prophet the Imitatio Muhammadi if you will to guide them on the straight path to God. But for the Sufi Muhammad is more than just the “beautiful model” that the Quran calls him 33:21. Muhammad is the primordial light: the first of God’s creations. The concept of “the light of Muhammad” nur Muhammad reveals Sufism’s deep Gnostic influences. In short the Sufis under- stand Muhammad in the same way that many Christian Gnostics understood Jesus: as the eternal logos. Thus Muhammad is like Jesus

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216 No god but God in the words of John’s Gospel “the light shining in the darkness though the darkness does not overcome it” John 1:5 or to quote the Gospel of Thomas he is “the light which is before all things.” Yet unlike Jesus in the Gnostic Gospels of John and Thomas Muhammad is not to be understood as “God made flesh.” “God is the light of the heavens and the earth” the Quran exclaims 24:35 mean- ing as al-Ghazali argues in his Niche of Lights that the nur Muhammad is in reality nothing more than the reflection of God’s light. Indeed Sufism often describes the relationship between God and Muhammad in terms of the relationship between the sun and the moon in that the latter merely reflects the light of the former. The sun expresses power it is creative. The moon expresses beauty it is responsive. Thus accord- ing to Inayat Khan “the one who gives God’s Message gives God’s Knowledge not his own. . . . Just as the moon’s light is not its own.” It is this unique impression of Muhammad that has led Sufis to refer to the Prophet as dhikr Allah: “the remembrance of God” though as we shall see dhikr is a term with many meanings in Sufism. As one would expect Sufi beliefs often resulted in bitter sometimes violent persecution of their adherents at the hands of the religious authorities who were deeply troubled by its antilaw antiestablishment ideals. The Sufis were rarely welcomed in the mosques and so were forced to develop their own rituals and practices to assist them in breaking down the separation between the individual and the Divine. As a result dhikr as the physical act of remembering God has become the central ritual activity for all Sufis though the actual form and function of the dhikr varies drastically depending on the Order. The most common form of dhikr is known as the “vocal dhikr” made popular through the rituals of the Qadiri Order which exists primarily in Syria Turkey Central Asia and parts of Africa. The Qadiri who likely represent the first formally recognized tariqah in Sufism center their dhikr activities on rhythmic and repetitive invo- cations of the shahadah or some other religious phrase. Often accom- panied by strenuous breathing exercises and rapid movements of the head and torso the disciples are usually sitting in a circle these invo- cations are pronounced faster and faster until the phrase breaks down into meaningless monosyllabic exhalations of breath which naturally

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Stain Your Prayer Rug with Wine 217 come to resemble the Arabic word hu or “He” meaning God. By repeatedly invoking God through this physical act of remembrance the disciple gradually strips himself of his ego so that he may be clothed instead in the attributes of God. In this way the Qadiri claim “the rememberer becomes the remembered.” Alongside the “vocal dhikr” of the Qadiri is the so-called “si- lent dhikr” popularized by the Order of the Naqshbandi. Considered the most traditional of the Sufi Orders the Naqshbandi primarily comprised politically active pietists who traced their lineage back to Abu Bakr and who maintained strict adherence to the Shariah. The Naqshbandi’s traditionalist brand of Sufism led them to reject music and dance in favor of more sober ritual activities like the silent dhikr in which the names of God are repeated inwardly in an act of medita- tion rather than aloud in an act of communion. The silent dhikr does not exactly correspond to the meditation rituals found in for example Theravada Buddhism. However the Naqshbandi as well as a few other contemplative Sufi Orders do practice something called fikr which Ian Richard Netton correctly translates as “contemplation resulting in certitude of the divine.” In any case like the Qadiri the Naqshbandi have only one goal in pursu- ing either dhikr or fikr: union with God. Not all dhikrs involve recitation either vocal or silent. In fact the most widely recognized form of dhikr is the spiritual dance of Turkey’s Mevlevi Order founded by Rumi and popularly known as the Whirling Darvishes. Some Sufis use calligraphy as a form of dhikr while in the Caucasus where Sufism inherited many of the shamanis- tic practices of the ancient Indo-Europeans dhikr tends to focus not so much on recitation or meditation but rather on physical pain as a means to shock the disciple into a state of ecstasy. The Rifa’i Order in Macedonia for example is famous for its public acts of self-mutilation in which disciples pierce themselves with spikes while in a trancelike state. In certain parts of Morocco there are Sufis who practice dhikr through great feats of strength and stamina meant to separate them from the false reality of the material world. There is another popular form of dhikr primarily employed by the Chisti Order who dominate the Indian subcontinent. The Chistis specialize in the use of music in their spiritual exercises. Their

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218 No god but God “remembrance of God” is best expressed through rapturous spiritual concerts called sama‘ which Bruce Lawrence describes as “a dynamic dialogue between a human lover and the Divine Beloved.” Of course music and dance—both of which are absolutely forbid- den in traditional Islamic worship—have a long history in the Indian subcontinent and part of the reason for the rapid spread of Sufism in India was the ease with which it appropriated both into its worship ceremonies. In fact early Chisti evangelists would often enter a town playing flutes or beating drums so as to gather a crowd before launch- ing into the tales of their Pirs. So the sama‘ is not only a means by which the Chistis experience the suprasensible world it is also a valu- able evangelical tool. And it is not unusual for the sama‘ to function as a political rally. Indeed unlike most Sufi orders which tend toward political quietism Sufism in India has always been intertwined with the social and political machinations of the state especially during the reign of the Mughal emperors 1526–1858 when in exchange for providing spiritual prosperity and moral legitimacy to the Empire a select number of Sufis enjoyed enormous influence over the govern- ment. Perhaps the most influential of these “political Sufis” was the eighteenth-century writer and philosopher Shah Wali Allah d. 1762. A fervent disciple of the traditionalist Naqshbandi Order Wali Allah strove in his books and lectures to strip Sufism of its “foreign” influ- ences e.g. Neoplatonism Persian mysticism Hindu Vedantism in order to restore it to what he considered to be an older unadulterated form of Islamic mysticism one inextricably bound to traditionalist Sunni orthodoxy. However Wali Allah was far more interested in reasserting fundamental Islamic values in the social and economic spheres of the state than in merely purifying Sufism. As a result his theo-political ideology though interpreted in widely divergent ways had a profound effect on succeeding generations of Muslim theolo- gians and philosophers. On the one hand Wali Allah’s emphasis on the resurgence of the Islamic sciences and his enlightened socioeconomic theories influ- enced Islamic modernists like Sayyid Ahmed Khan to form his Ali- garth movement an intellectual society dedicated not only to establishing a European educational system in India but also to

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Stain Your Prayer Rug with Wine 219 encouraging Muslim cooperation with the British colonialists who were just then beginning to take a more aggressive role in the political affairs of the Subcontinent. On the other hand Wali Allah’s emphasis on orthodoxy sparked a number of so-called “puritan” movements in India the most famous of which is the Deobandi School whose students—taliban in Arabic— played an active role in opposing the British occupation of India and whose ethnic Pashtun contingent would eventually seize control of Afghanistan in order to impose their radically orthodox theo-political philosophy upon the state though that story must be reserved for another chapter. Considering the tragic effects of the colonialist experience in India it should be obvious which vision of Shah Wali Allah’s theo-political views most successfully captured the imaginations of India’ s oppressed Muslim population. As will become apparent throughout the colo- nized lands of the Middle East and North Africa the voice of mod- ernism and integration with the Enlightenment ideals of the European colonialists was consistently drowned out by the far louder and more aggressive voice of traditionalism and resistance to the insufferable yoke of imperialism. Thus a new generation of Indian Muslims born into a country that had become the exclusive financial property of the British Empire no longer shared the popular Sufi sentiment that “if the world does not agree with you you agree with the world.” They instead preferred the version offered by the great mystical poet and philosopher Muhammad Iqbal 1877–1938—a disciple of the Qadiri Order and a devotee of Wali Allah—who exclaimed “if the world does not agree with you arise against it”

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������ 9. An Awakening in the East THE RESPONSE TO COLONIALISM DISPATCH FROM FREDERICK Cooper Deputy Commissioner of Amritsar to the Foreign Office in London regarding the fate of the mutinous Sepoys Bengali Muslim soldiers at Lahore India. First of August 1857: On the 30th of July some 400 Sepoys from the 26th Native Infantry escaped from the prison camp at Mianmir where by order of the Crown they had been assembled and disarmed to prevent them from possibly joining the Mohammedan rebels at Delhi. Being weakened and famished the Sepoys were easily pursued to the banks of the Ravi where some 150 of them were shot mobbed backwards into the river and drowned. The survivors floated across the river on pieces of wood until they reached the opposite shore whereupon they gathered together like a brood of wild fowl waiting to be cap- tured. Had they tried to escape a bloody struggle would have

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An Awakening in the East 221 ensued. But Providence ordered otherwise. Indeed everything nat- ural artificial and accidental combined to secure their fate. The sun was setting in golden splendour and as the doomed men with joined palms crowded down to the shore on the approach of our boats their long shadows were flung athwart the gleaming waters. In utter despair forty or fifty dashed into the stream and the sowars mounted Indian soldiers being on the point of taking pot- shots at the heads of the swimmers were given orders not to shoot. The mutineers were remarkably compliant. They were evidently possessed of a sudden and insane idea that they were going to be tried by court-martial after some luxurious refreshment. In conse- quence they submitted to being bound by a single man and stocked like slaves into the holds of our boats. By midnight as the glorious moon came out through the clouds and reflected herself in myriad pools and streams we had gathered 282 of the Bengali rebels. In the morning a party of Sikhs arrived with a large supply of rope. But being as the trees were scarce the rope was not used. A larger problem lay in dealing with the loyal Mohammedan troopers who would surely not have stood by in silence as justice was meted out upon their rebellious co-religionists. As fortune would have it the 1st of August was the anniversary of the great Mohammedan festival of Bukra Eid. A capital excuse was thus afforded to permit the Mohammedan horsemen to return to their homes to celebrate while we Christians unembarrassed by their presence and aided by the faithful Sikhs might perform a cere- monial sacrifice of a different nature upon their brethren. There remained one last difficulty which was of sanitary con- sideration. But again as fortune would have it a deep dry well was discovered within one hundred yards of the police-station furnish- ing a convenient solution as to how to dispose of the dishonoured soldiers. At first light the prisoners were bound together in groups of ten and brought out of their prisons. Believing they were about to be tried and their unwarranted grievances heard the Sepoys were unusually docile. But when the shots began to ring in the still morn- ing air and they suddenly discovered the real and awful fate that awaited them they were filled with astonishment and rage.

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222 No god but God The execution commenced uninterrupted until one of our men swooned away he was the oldest of our firing-party and a little respite was allowed. After we had shot some 237 of the Moham- medans the district officer was informed that the remaining captives were apparently refusing to come out of the bastion where they had been imprisoned temporarily in expectation of their execution. Anticipating a rush and resistance preparations were made against their escape. The bastion was surrounded the doors opened and behold Forty-five bodies dead from fright exhaustion fatigue heat and partial suffocation were dragged into the light. These dead along with their executed comrades were thrown by the village sweepers into the well. Thus within forty-eight hours of their escape the entire 26th regiment was accounted for and disposed of. T o those of you fond of reading signs we would point to the solitary golden cross still gleaming aloft on the summit of the Chris- tian church in Delhi whole and untouched though the ball on which it rests is riddled with shots deliberately fired by the mutinous infidels of the town. The cross symbolically triumphant over a shat- tered globe How the wisdom and heroism of our English soldiers seem like mere dross before the manifest and wondrous interposi- tion of Almighty God in the cause of Christianity There were a number of reasons for what the British described as the Sepoy Mutiny but which is now universally recognized as the Indian Revolt of 1857. The history that led to the revolt is clear enough. Under the auspices of the East India Company which main- tained a total monopoly over Indian markets the British Empire had been the effective ruler of India for nearly two hundred years though it was not until early in the nineteenth century when the last Mughal emperor Bahadur Shah II was forcefully deposed that they assumed direct control over the country. By 1857 the British had so effortlessly pressed their will on the enfeebled population that they were free to plunder the vast resources of the Subcontinent. To keep Europe’s industries running the colonized lands were rushed toward modernization. European ideals of secularism plural- ism individual liberties human rights and to a far lesser degree democracy—the wonderful legacy of the Enlightenment that had

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An Awakening in the East 223 taken hundreds of years to evolve in Europe—were pressed upon the colonized lands with no attempt to render them in terms the indige- nous population would either recognize or understand. Western tech- nology was shared only insofar as it increased production. New cities were built instead of old cities being developed. Cheaply manufac- tured imports destroyed most local industries and native markets had little choice but to focus almost exclusively on the economic needs of the colonial powers. In return for the pillaging of their lands the suppression of their independence and the destruction of their local economies the colo- nized peoples were to be given the gift of “civilization.” Indeed in every region to which Europeans laid claim the colonialist project was presented in the guise of a “civilizing mission.” As Cecil Rhodes founder of the De Beers diamond company and at one time the virtual dictator of modern-day South Africa famously declared “We Britons are the first race in the world and the more of the world we inhabit the better it is for the human race.” Among the many problems with this so-called civilizing mission was that well-intentioned as it may have been it was often deliber- ately shadowed by a “Christianizing mission” the principle goal of which was in the words of Sir Charles Trevelyan Governor of Madras “nothing short of the conversion of the natives to Christian- ity.” In India Christian evangelists were placed in the highest posi- tions of government including at all levels of the British Army. Charles Grant the director of the East India Company which until 1858 retained nearly all powers of government was himself an active Christian missionary who believed along with most of his country- men that Britain had been granted dominion over India by God in order to rear it out of its heathen darkness and into the light of Christ. Nearly half of all schools in the Subcontinent were run by missionar- ies like Grant who received large amounts of aid from the British Empire to indoctrinate the natives into Christianity. Not all colonialists agreed with Britain’s missionary agenda. Lord Ellenborough Governor General from 1842 to 1844 continually warned his countrymen that the imperial promotion of Christian evan- gelism was not only detrimental to the security of the Empire it would likely lead to popular resentment and perhaps to open rebellion. Yet

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224 No god but God even Ellenborough would have agreed with Trevelyan who argued that the Indian religion was “identified with so many gross immorali- ties and physical absurdities that it would give way at once before the light of European science.” The British conviction that the ancient foe of Christendom was in desperate need of civilization created a sense of inferiority and fear among India’s Muslims many of whom believed that their faith and culture were under attack. So while the annexation of native states the dispossession of landowners the disregard for the plight of the Indian peasantry and the harsh revenue policies of the rapacious East India Company had formed a massive pyre of anger and resentment in India in the end it was what Benjamin Disraeli called “the union of missionary enterprise with the political power of the Government” that struck the match of rebellion. The fact is the Bengali soldiers who launched the Indian Revolt in 1857 were not only angry at colonialist policies that had stripped their land of its natural resources they were convinced and rightly so that the British Army was trying to convert them forcibly to Chris- tianity. It was enough that their commanding officer openly preached the Gospel to all his military classes but when they discovered that their rifle cartridges had been greased with beef and pork fat which would have contaminated both Hindus and Muslims their greatest fears were confirmed. In an act of civil disobedience a small group of soldiers refused to use the cartridges. Their British commanders responded by shackling them in chains and locking them in military prisons. Seeing this response as yet another indication of the colonial- ist mindset the rest of the Bengali regiment—some 150000 Muslim soldiers—mutinied. The soldiers quickly took control of Delhi and set up the deposed Mughal emperor Bahadur Shah as their leader. The octogenarian emperor released a written proclamation to the country urging both the Hindu and Muslim populations to help him “liberate and protect the poor helpless people now groaning” under colonial rule. The proclamation reached every corner of India and soon what had begun as a military mutiny among the Sepoy forces escalated into a joint Hindu-Muslim rebellion of the civilian population. The British responded mercilessly and without restraint. T o sub-

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An Awakening in the East 225 due the uprising they were compelled somewhat reluctantly to unleash the full force of their colonial might. There were mass arrests throughout the country demonstrators both young and old were beaten on the streets. Most major cities were ravaged. In Allahabad British soldiers indiscriminately killed everyone in their path leaving the dead bodies to rot in piles on the streets. Lucknow was sacked Delhi practically razed. Approximately five hundred Sepoys of the 14th Native Infantry were massacred at Jhelam. In Benares the bod- ies of civilian sympathizers were hung from the trees. Entire villages were looted then set aflame. It took less than two years of carnage and plunder before full colonial control was restored. With the rebellion crushed and the East India Company dissolved the administration of the Subcontinent became the direct responsibility of the Queen who could now proudly proclaim that “the sun never sets on the British Empire.” The violence with which colonial control was reasserted in India forever shattered any illusions of British moral superiority. For most Muslims Europe’s civilizing mission in the Middle East was revealed for what it truly was: an ideology of political and economic dominance achieved through brutal military might. The ideals of the Enlighten- ment which the British never tired of preaching could no longer be separated from the repressive imperialist policies of the colonizing government. In short India became the paradigm of the colonialist experiment gone awry. Even so a large number of Muslim intellectuals remained con- vinced that the adoption of European values such as the rule of law and the pursuit of scientific progress was the sole means of overcom- ing the rapid decline of Muslim civilization in the face of European imperialism. This group became known as the Modernists and per- haps no intellectual better represented their reformist agenda than Sir Sayyid Ahmed Khan. Born to a family of Mughal nobility Sayyid Ahmed Khan was a devoted follower of the Indian neo-mystic Shah Wali Allah though by the mid-nineteenth century he had begun to distance himself from the puritanical overtones of an ideology that had already sparked a few anti-Hindu anti-Sikh rebellions in India. During the Indian Revolt Sir Sayyid worked as an administrator in the East India Company and

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226 No god but God had witnessed for himself the gruesome revenge meted out by the British forces upon the rebellious population of Delhi. Although the experience did not deter him from remaining a loyal subject of the British Empire as his knighthood suggests he was nevertheless deeply pained over the plight of Indian Muslims after the collapse of the revolt. In particular Sir Sayyid was worried about the way in which the revolt was being described by British authorities as “a long concocted Mohammedan conspiracy against British power” to quote Alexander Duff Britain’s leading missionary in India. Such beliefs had made the Muslim community the main target of government reprisals. To combat this misperception Sir Sayyid published his most famous work The Causes of the Indian Revolt which strove to explain to a British audience the reasons behind the events of 1857. This was not he argued a premeditated rebellion. It was the spontaneous result of a combination of social and economic grievances. That said Sir Sayyid admitted that at the heart of the Indian Revolt was the widespread belief that the British were bent on converting the popula- tion to Christianity and forcing them to adopt European ways. This according to Sir Sayyid was surely a ludicrous notion. Despite the preponderance of evidence he refused to accept the idea that the Queen’s purpose in India was the conversion of its people. Sir Sayyid did however recognize that the mere perception that the colonialist project was a Christian war against Indian religions was enough to rouse the masses to revolt. As a devout Indian Muslim and a loyal British subject Sir Sayyid took upon himself the challenge of building a bridge between those two civilizations so as to explain the culture faith and values of the one to the other. The problem as he saw it was that the Indians “did not understand what right the Government whose subjects we are had upon us and what was our duty towards it.” If only the goals and ideals of the British were explained to the indigenous population in a language they could understand the Indians would become “not a burden but a boon to the community.” In 1877 Sayyid Ahmed Khan founded the Aligarth School the primary goal of which was the revitalization of Islamic glory through modern European education. Sir Sayyid was convinced that if he could shine the light of European rationalism and scientific thought

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An Awakening in the East 227 upon traditional Muslim beliefs and customs the result would be an indigenous Islamic Enlightenment that would propel the Muslim world into the twentieth century. The Aligarth taught its students to throw off the shackles of the Ulama and their blind imitation taqlid of Islamic doctrine for none of the problems facing Muslims in the modern world could be solved through their antiquated theology. The only hope for Islamic revival was the modernization of the Shariah and the only way to achieve this was to take it out of the hands of the incompetent and irrelevant Ulama. “What I acknowledge to be the original religion of Islam” Sir Sayyid claimed “is not the religion which . . . the preachers have fashioned.” It was Sir Sayyid’s Kashmiri protégé Chiragh Ali 1844–95 who most succinctly outlined his mentor’s argument for legal reform. Chi- ragh Ali was incensed at the way Islam had been portrayed by Euro- peans as “essentially rigid and inaccessible to change.” The notion that its laws and customs are based “on a set of specific precepts which can neither be added to nor taken from nor modified to suit altered circumstances” is a fiction created by the Ulama to maintain their control over Muslims Chiragh Ali said. He argued that the Shariah could not be considered a civil code of law because the only legitimate law in Islam is the Quran which “does not interfere in political ques- tions nor does it lay down specific rules of conduct.” Rather the Quran teaches nothing more than “certain doctrines of religion and certain general rules of morality.” It would be absurd therefore to regard Islamic law which Chiragh Ali considered the product of the Ulama’s imagination to be “unalterable and unchangeable.” As one can imagine the Ulama did not respond well to these charges of incompetence and irrelevance and they used their influ- ence over the population to fight with vehemence the Modernist vision of a new Islamic identity. Certainly the Modernist cause was not helped by the fact that after the Indian Revolt it became increas- ingly difficult to separate the ideals of the European Enlightenment from its imperialist connotations. But it was the Modernist demand that the Shariah be withdrawn entirely from the civil sphere that caused the greatest concern among the Ulama. Religious scholars like Mawlana Mawdudi founder of the Jama‘at-i Islami the Islamic Asso-

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�� 228 No god but God ciation countered the Aligarth platform by arguing that far from separating the religious and civil Islam requires that “the law of God should become the law by which people lead their lives.” Ironically though Mawdudi was himself a fervent antinationalist his ideas were instrumental in providing the ideological foundation for the creation of the world’s first Islamic state Pakistan. Yet to under- stand how India’s Muslim community progressed from the disastrous aftermath of the Indian Revolt to the triumphant creation of their own separate homeland in less than a hundred years requires a brief detour through Egypt where another group of Muslim reformists living under colonial rule were on the verge of launching an awakening in the East that would ripple through the whole of the Muslim world. E GYPT AT THE turn of the nineteenth century had become in the words of William Welch “an essential spoke in the imperial wheel” of the British Empire. Unlike India where the British held uncontested and unconcealed control over every level of civic administration Egypt was allowed to maintain a façade of independence through the hereditary reign of its utterly impotent viceroys or khedives. Though their fealty remained in principle to the Ottoman Empire by the nineteenth century the khedives were little more than subjects of the British Empire. They were powerless to make any political or eco- nomic decisions in Egypt without the consent of their colonial mas- ters. In exchange for a seemingly inexhaustible line of credit which they could never hope to repay a succession of viceroys had gradually settled into apathetic reigns characterized by unrestrained excess and political indifference. Meanwhile Egypt was inundated with foreign workers wealthy investors and middle-class Englishmen eager to stake their claims on a country with few bureaucratic obstacles and unlimited opportunities for advancement. To accommodate the rapid influx of Europeans entire cities were built on the outskirts of Cairo far away from the indigenous population. The foreigners quickly took charge of Egypt’s principal export of cotton. They built ports railroads and dams all to implement colonial control over the country’s economy. With the

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An Awakening in the East 229 construction of their crowning achievement the Suez Canal Egypt’s fate as Britain’s most valuable colony was sealed. T o pay for these massive projects taxes were increased though they were already too high to be paid by the average Cairene let alone by the expanding peasant class the fellaheen forced into the cities by the destruction of their local industries. Making matters worse the khe- dives had been pressured into allowing the foreign élite unreasonable concessions including exemption from all taxes except those levied on property and total immunity from being tried in Egyptian courts. Naturally the iniquitous situation in Egypt led to widespread anti- colonialist sentiment and sporadic uprisings both of which were used by the British as further excuses to tighten their control over the pop- ulation. The result was a government in staggering debt to European creditors and a disenfranchised population desperately in search of a common identity to unite them against the colonialist menace. By the middle of the century the situation in Egypt was ripe for the Mod- ernist message then being formed in India. That message would be brought to them by the man known as “the Awakener of the East”— Jamal ad-Din al-Afghani 1838–97. Despite his name al-Afghani was in fact not an Afghan. As his excellent translator Nikki Keddie has shown al-Afghani was actually born and raised in Iran where he received a traditional Shi‘ite educa- tion in the Islamic sciences. Why he decided to pose alternately as a Sunni Muslim from Afghanistan or as a T urk from Istanbul is hard to say. In light of Shah Wali Allah’s popular puritan movement which had reached all corners of the Muslim world al-Afghani may have considered it expedient to hide his Shi‘ite identity so as to disseminate his reformist agenda more widely. At the age of seventeen al-Afghani left Iran for India to supple- ment his religious education with the so-called Western sciences. The year was 1856. Nearly two thirds of the Subcontinent was under the direct control of the British Empire. The economic policies of the East India Company and its various affiliates had allowed Britain to annex vast tracts of native-owned property. Regional rulers had been forcibly deposed and the peasantry stripped of their meager earnings. All through the country rebellion was brewing.

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230 No god but God At first al-Afghani seemed unconcerned with the momentous events taking place around him. As his earliest biographer Salim al-Anhuri notes he was too engrossed in his academic studies to con- cern himself with the plight of the Indian population. But the following year when Indian grievances erupted into open rebellion al-Afghani was suddenly roused to action. The young man was traumatized not only by the violence with which the British reasserted their control but by the hypocrisy they showed in preaching such exalted Enlight- enment values while cruelly stifling Indian appeals for liberation and national sovereignty. His experiences in the Subcontinent engendered in his heart a lifelong loathing of the British and a single-minded devotion to freeing the Muslim world from the yoke of European colonialism which he considered to be the gravest threat to Islam. Yet al-Afghani rarely spoke of Islam in religious terms. Perhaps his greatest contribution to Islamic political thought was his insistence that Islam detached from its purely religious associations could be used as a sociopolitical ideology to unite the whole of the Muslim world in solidarity against imperialism. Islam was for al-Afghani far more than law and theology it was civilization. Indeed it was a superior civiliza- tion because as he argued the intellectual foundations upon which the West was built had in fact been borrowed from Islam. Ideals such as social egalitarianism popular sovereignty and the pursuit and preser- vation of knowledge had their origins not in Christian Europe but in the Ummah. It was Muhammad’s revolutionary community that had introduced the concept of popular sanction over the ruling govern- ment while dissolving all ethnic boundaries between individuals and giving women and children unprecedented rights and privileges. Al-Afghani agreed with Sayyid Ahmed Khan that the Ulama bore the responsibility for the decline of Islamic civilization. In their self- appointed role as the guardians of Islam the Ulama had so stifled independent thought and scientific progress that even as Europe awakened to the Enlightenment the Muslim world was still flounder- ing in the Middle Ages. By forbidding rational dialogue about the lim- its of law and the meaning of scripture the Ulama whom al-Afghani likened to “a very narrow wick on top of which is a very small flame that neither lights its surroundings nor gives light to others” had become the true enemies of Islam.

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An Awakening in the East 231 But al-Afghani was no member of the Aligarth. In fact he consid- ered Sayyid Ahmed Khan a tool of the colonialist powers for his dot- ing emulation of European ideals. As far as al-Afghani was concerned Europe’s only advantages over Islamic civilization were its technolog- ical advancements and its economic prowess. Both of these attributes would have to be developed in the Muslim world if Islam were to regain its former glory. But the only way to achieve lasting social political and economic reform in the region would be to contempo- rize those enduring Islamic values that had founded the Muslim com- munity. Merely imitating Europe as Ahmed Khan would have Muslims do was a waste of time. Al-Afghani’s burgeoning political ideology was reinforced during his tenure as a member of the Educational Council in the Ottoman Empire. There al-Afghani came into contact with a passionate group of Turkish reformers dubbed the Young Ottomans. Led by a handful of writers and academics the most famous of whom was the brilliant poet and playwright Namik Kemal 1840–88 the Young Ottomans had developed an intriguing reformist agenda based on fusing West- ern democratic ideals with traditional Islamic principles. The result was a supernationalist project commonly referred to as Pan-Islamism whose principal goal was the encouragement of Muslim unity across cultural sectarian and national boundaries under the banner of a single centralized and obviously T urkish Caliphate—in other words the revival of the Ummah. Al-Afghani enthusiastically embraced the philosophy of the Young Ottomans especially their call for the rebirth of the united Muslim community—one that included Shi‘ites and Sufis as equal members—in order to combat European imperialism. In 1871 bol- stered by his newfound faith in the prospects of Pan-Islamism al- Afghani went to Cairo—then as now the cultural capital of the Muslim world—ostensibly to teach philosophy logic and theology but in truth to implant his vision of the Modernist agenda into the political landscape of Egypt. It was in Cairo that he befriended a zeal- ous young student named Muhammad Abdu 1845–1950 who would become Egypt’s most influential voice of Muslim reform. Born a fellah in a small village on the Nile Delta Abdu was an extremely devout boy who by the age of twelve had memorized the

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232 No god but God whole of the Quran. As a young disciple of the Shadhili Sufi Order he had excelled in his studies of the Islamic sciences so much so that he was sent to al-Azhar University in Cairo to continue his education. But despite his piety and indefatigable intellect Abdu immediately clashed with the rigid pedagogy and traditionalist teachings of al- Azhar’s Ulama. At the same time he was struck by the ways in which Europe’s lofty principles were so blatantly contradicted by its colo- nialist agenda. “We Egyptians” he wrote “believed once in English liberalism and English sympathy but we believe no longer for facts are stronger than words. Your liberalness we see plainly is only for yourselves and your sympathy with us is that of the wolf for the lamb which he designs to eat.” Disenchanted with his religious and political leaders Abdu became an avid disciple of al-Afghani and under his tutelage pub- lished a number of books and tracts advocating a return to the unadul- terated values of the salafs “the pious forefathers” who founded the first Muslim community in Medina. Labeling himself a “neo- Mu‘tazilite” Abdu called for the reopening of the gates of ijtihad or independent reasoning. The only path to Muslim empowerment he argued was to liberate Islam from the iron grip of the Ulama and their traditionalist interpretation of the Shariah. Like Sir Sayyid Abdu demanded that every man-made source of law—the Sunna ijma qiyas and the like—must be subject to rational discourse. Even the holy Quran must be reopened to interpretation questioning and debate from all sectors of Muslim society. Muslims do not need the guidance of the Ulama to engage the sacred Revelation Abdu argued they must be free to experience the Quran on their own. While Abdu did not believe that Islam need separate its religious ideals from the secular realm he categorically rejected the possibility of placing secular powers in the hands of religious clerics whom he deemed totally unqualified to lead the Muslim community into the new century. What was needed instead was a reinterpretation of tradi- tional Islamic ideals so as to present modern democratic principles in terms that the average Muslim could easily recognize. Thus Abdu redefined shura or tribal consultation as representative democracy ijma or consensus as popular sovereignty and bay’ah or the oath of

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An Awakening in the East 233 allegiance as universal suffrage. According to this view the Ummah was the nation and its ruler the Caliph whose sole function was to protect its members by serving the welfare of the community. T ogether al-Afghani and Muhammad Abdu founded the Salafiyyah movement Egypt’s version of the Modernist project. After al- Afghani’s death Abdu joined forces with his close friend and biog- rapher Rashid Rida 1865–1935 to push the Salafiyyah’s reformist agenda to the forefront of Egyptian politics. Yet despite its growing popularity throughout the region the ideal of Pan-Islamism which was at the heart of Abdu’ s reformist project remained exceedingly dif- ficult to implement. The problem with Pan-Islamism was that the spiritual and intel- lectual diversity that had characterized the Muslim faith from the start made the prospects of achieving religious solidarity across sectarian lines highly unlikely. This was particularly true in light of the rising Islamic puritan movement which sought to strip the religion of its cultural innovations. What is more large and powerful groups of sec- ular nationalists throughout the Middle East found the religious ide- ology behind the Salafiyyah movement to be incompatible with what they considered the principal goals of modernization: political inde- pendence economic prosperity and military might. Ironically many of these secular nationalists were inspired by al-Afghani’s brand of Islamic liberalism. In fact Egypt’s most influential nationalist Sa‘d Zaghlul 1859–1927 began his career as a disciple of Muhammad Abdu. But while Zaghlul and his nationalist colleagues accepted the Salafiyyah’s vision of “Islam as civilization” they rejected the argu- ment that imperialism could be defeated through religious solidarity. One need only regard the petty squabbles of the Ulama to recognize the futility of the Pan-Islamist project they argued. Rather the nationalists sought to battle European colonialism through a secular countermovement that would replace the Salafiyyah’s aspirations of religious unity with the more pragmatic goal of racial unity: in other words Pan-Arabism. Practically speaking Pan-Arabism was deemed easier to achieve than Pan-Islamism. As one of its leading proponents Sati al-Husri 1880–1968 reasoned “Religion is a matter between the individual

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234 No god but God and God while the fatherland is the concern of us all.” Nevertheless the Pan-Arabists considered their movement to be both political and religious because in their view Islam could not be divorced from its Arab roots. To quote the nationalist ideologue Abd al-Rahman al- Bazzaz “The most glorious pages of Muslim history are also the pages of Muslim Arab history.” Thus while Pan-Arabists agreed with the Pan-Islamists that Muslims must return to the values of the origi- nal community in Medina they defined that community as uniquely Arab. Muslim unity it was claimed could not be realized except through Arab unity and Pan-Arabism was seen as “the practical step which must precede . . . Pan-Islamism.” Of course the Pan-Arabists had a difficult time defining what exactly they meant by Arab unity. Despite their claims of racial soli- darity there is simply no such thing as a single Arab ethnicity. Egyp- tian Arabs had practically nothing in common with say Iraqi Arabs. The two countries did not even speak the same Arabic dialect. In any case regardless of the Ummah’s Arab roots the fact is that at the beginning of the twentieth century Arabs accounted for the tiniest fraction of the world’ s Muslim population—perhaps as little as 20 per- cent. In response to such obstacles some nationalists sought to con- nect themselves with the ancient cultures of their home countries. For example Egyptian nationalists appealed to an imagined Pharaonic legacy while Iraqi nationalists strove to return to their Mesopotamian heritage. The Arab nationalists were given an unexpected boost at the end of the First World War when the Ottoman Empire collapsed at the hands of Kemal Ataturk. The Caliphate that had despite its declining powers symbolized the spiritual unity of the Ummah for nearly fif- teen centuries was suddenly replaced by a radically secular ultrana- tionalist Turkish republic. The Empire was broken up by the victors of the war particularly Britain into individual semi-autonomous states. In Egypt Britain seized the opportunity to sever all ties with the Turks simply declaring itself the country’s sole protector. The khedive was declared king of Egypt though he was still a puppet of the colonialists. With the Caliphate dismantled and Egypt firmly under British occupation Pan-Islamism was discarded as a viable ideology for Mus-

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An Awakening in the East 235 lim unification. And though Pan-Arabism was thus left as the princi- pal voice of opposition to colonialism it could no longer hope to extend beyond national boundaries. Muslims were being forced to identify themselves as citizens of nations not members of a commu- nity. With Pan-Islamism waning and Pan-Arabism powerless as a political force it was left to a new generation of Muslims led by the charismatic young socialist Hasan al-Banna 1906–49 to revive Egyptian aspirations for liberty and independence. Hasan al-Banna came to Cairo in 1923 to pursue a higher degree in education. Profoundly influenced by the mystical teachings of al- Ghazali al-Banna had joined the Hasafiyyah Sufi Order at a young age in order to dedicate his life to preserving and renewing the tradi- tions of his faith and culture. Later as an ardent and bright university student al-Banna devoured the works of al-Afghani and Muhammad Abdu feeling as they did that the decline of Muslim civilization was the result not only of foreign influence but of a lack of dedication on the part of Egyptians to the original principles of Islam preached by Muhammad in Medina. In Cairo al-Banna was struck by the depravity and rampant secu- larism that had gripped the city. T raditional Islamic ideals of egalitari- anism and social justice had been swept aside by the unbridled greed of the country’s political and religious élites most of whom eagerly colluded with the British colonialists in exchange for wealth and sta- tus. Foreigners controlled all channels of government and maintained a monopoly over Egypt’s economy. Cairo had become a virtual apartheid state where small pockets of tremendously wealthy Euro- peans and Westernized Egyptians ruled over millions of impoverished peasants who labored on their lands and cared for their estates. Al-Banna appealed to the Ulama at Egypt’s al-Azhar University but found them to be as ineffectual and irrelevant as the Modernists had accused them of being. Yet he was convinced that the Modernist enterprise was misguided in its attempts to adopt what he called “the social principles on which the civilization of the Western nations has been built.” Al-Banna also rejected the nationalist ideology of Pan-Arabism considering nationalism to be the principal cause of the murderous world war that had just ended. In the end al-Banna

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236 No god but God concluded that the only path to Muslim independence and self- empowerment lay in reconciling modern life with Islamic values— a process he referred to as “the Islamization of society.” In 1928 al-Banna carried his vision of Islamization to his first teaching post in the small village of Ismailiyyah near the Suez Canal. If the Canal was the crowning achievement of the colonialist system in Egypt Ismailiyyah represented the depths to which Arabs had sunk under that system. This was a region teeming with foreign soldiers and civilian workers who lived in luxurious gated communities that towered over the squalid and miserable neighborhoods of the local residents. Street signs were in English cafés and restaurants segre- gated and public spaces peppered with markers warning “no Arabs.” The iniquity and humiliation facing the residents in a region that was generating such colossal wealth for the British Empire enraged al- Banna. He began preaching his message of Islamization in parks and in restaurants in coffee shops and in homes. The young and dispos- sessed all those who felt betrayed by their feeble government and their ineffectual religious leaders flocked to al-Banna and his simple message that “Islam is the answer.” Eventually what began as little more than an informal grassroots organization dedicated to changing the lives of people through social welfare was formalized into the world’s first Islamic socialist movement. “We are brothers in the service of Islam” al-Banna then only twenty-two years old announced at the first official meeting of his group “hence we are the Muslim Brothers.” It would be difficult to exaggerate the influence of the Society of Muslim Brothers on the Muslim world. Al-Banna’s Islamization proj- ect quickly spread to Syria Jordan Algeria T unisia Palestine Sudan Iran and Yemen. Islamic socialism proved to be infinitely more suc- cessful than either Pan-Islamism or Pan-Arabism in giving voice to Muslim grievances. The Muslim Brothers vigorously tackled issues that no one else would address. Matters such as the increase in Chris- tian missionary activity in the Muslim world the rise of Zionism in Palestine the poverty and political inferiority of Muslim peoples and the opulence and autocracy of Arab monarchies were a regular part of the Brothers’ agenda. Perhaps the most significant aspect of al-Banna’s movement was

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An Awakening in the East 237 that it represented the first modern attempt to present Islam as an all- encompassing religious political social economic and cultural sys- tem. Islam in al-Banna’s view represented a universal ideology superior to all other systems of social organization the world had known. As such it demanded a distinctly Islamic government—one that could properly address society’s ills. Yet al-Banna did not believe it was his duty to impose this ideology on the current political system in Egypt. The Muslim Brothers was a socialist organization not a political party: its principle concern was reconciling hearts and minds to God so as to alleviate human suffering not bringing about a politi- cal revolution. True to his Sufi upbringing al-Banna was convinced that the state could be reformed only by reforming the self. Al-Banna’s apolitical sentiments did not spare him the ire of the government. In 1949 at the behest of Egypt’s khedive and undoubt- edly with the encouragement of the colonialist leadership al-Banna was assassinated. But while this act may have silenced the leader of the Muslim Brothers it strengthened the Society itself so that by the 1950s it had become the most dominant voice of opposition in Egypt boasting nearly half a million members. It therefore could not be ignored by the burgeoning anticolonialist anti-imperialist rebellion that had been looming for years in the ranks of Egypt’s armed forces. On July 23 1952 a group of disaffected military leaders who called themselves the Free Officer Corps launched a coup d’état against Egypt’s inept monarchy and unilaterally declared the country free of colonial control. The coup was instigated by the head of the armed forces General Muhammad Naguib. But everyone in Egypt knew that the real power behind the rebellion was Naguib’s right- hand man Colonel Gamal Abd al-Nasser. Initially the Muslim Brothers enthusiastically supported the Free Officers primarily because Nasser had promised to implement their socialist agenda in postrevolutionary Egypt. The Society’s leadership referred to the Free Officers as a “blessed movement” and helped maintain order and security in all the major cities in the aftermath of the coup. Nasser reciprocated their support by humbly going on a pil- grimage to al-Banna’s tomb and even went so far as to invite the Mus- lim Brothers to join the new parliament though they refused for fear of sullying al-Banna’s apolitical principles.

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238 No god but God But as Nasser gradually implemented his nationalist agenda in Egypt his authoritarian rule began to clash with the egalitarian values preached by the Muslim Brothers. In January of 1953 as part of Nasser’s plan to consolidate his control over the government all par- ties and political organizations were outlawed except the Muslim Brothers whose support was still vital to his popularity with the peo- ple. The following year however when shots were fired at Nasser as he was delivering a speech in Alexandria the opportunity to dismantle the Muslim Brothers finally presented itself. Blaming the attempt on his life on a conspiracy within the Society Nasser outlawed the Mus- lim Brothers its members were rounded up and imprisoned its lead- ers tortured and executed. In the dank sadistic prisons of Nasser’s Egypt the Muslim Broth- ers fractured along ideological lines. For many members it became painfully clear that the socialist vision of changing hearts to change society had failed. According to these Brothers al-Banna’s Islamiza- tion project could not be realized through acts of social welfare. If Nasser had taught them anything it was that such lofty ideals could be enacted only by force. Postcolonial Egypt required a new vision of Islam and its role in the modern world and the man who would pro- vide that vision was at the time languishing in a prison cell in Cairo. Poet novelist journalist critic and social activist Sayyid Qutb 1906–66 would come to be known as the father of Islamic radicalism. Born in Upper Egypt he had like al-Banna moved to Cairo during the tur- bulent 1920s. After a brief stint in the Ministry of Education Qutb traveled to the United States in 1948 to research its educational sys- tem. What he discovered was a nation committed to individual free- dom yet “devoid of human sympathy and responsibility . . . except under the force of law.” He was disgusted by what he saw as the coun- try’s “materialistic attitude” and its “evil and fanatical racial discrimi- nation” both of which he blamed on the West’s compulsion to pull “religion apart from common life.” Qutb was equally frightened at the rapid spread of Western cultural hegemony in the developing coun- tries of the Middle East and North Africa a phenomenon that the Iranian social critic Jalal Al-e Ahmad dubbed Gharbzadeghi or “Westoxification.”

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An Awakening in the East 239 Upon his return to Cairo in 1950 Qutb joined the Muslim Broth- ers seeing in the Society a fervent dedication to founding a socialist Islamic polity. He quickly ascended to a position of authority heading the organization’s propaganda department. After the revolution of 1952 Nasser asked Qutb to join his government but Qutb refused preferring to continue his social activities with the Brothers. That decision would have devastating consequences. After the attempt on Nasser’s life Qutb was one of countless Muslim Brothers who were arrested brutally tortured and tossed into prison to be forgotten. In the solitary confines of his cell Qutb had a revelation. “Preach- ing alone is not enough” he wrote in his revolutionary manifesto Milestones published in 1964 the year of his release. “Those who have usurped the authority of Allah and who are oppressing Allah’s crea- tures are not going to give up their power merely through preaching.” Qutb shocked Muslims by claiming that they were still living in a state of Jahiliyyah—“the Time of Ignorance” that preceded the rise of Islam—in which decadent and corrupt human beings had seized for themselves one of God’s greatest attributes namely sovereignty. Qutb agreed with al-Banna that society’s inequities could be addressed only by asserting the superiority of Islam as a complete social politi- cal and economic system. However unlike al-Banna Qutb envisioned that process to be a cataclysmic revolutionary event that could be brought about only through the establishment of an Islamic state. As he argued in Milestones “setting up the kingdom of God on earth and eliminating the kingdom of man means taking power from the hands of its human usurpers and restoring it to God alone.” In Qutb’s view the Islamic state would not require a ruler at least not a centralized executive power like a president or king. The only ruler would be God the only law the Shariah. Qutb’s radicalized vision of political Islam completely transformed the landscape of the Middle East giving rise to a new ideology called Islamism. Not to be confused with Pan-Islamism the supernationalist the- ory of Muslim unity under a single Caliph Islamism called for the creation of an Islamic state in which the sociopolitical order would be defined solely according to Muslim values. The Islamists argued that Islam is a comprehensive ideology that governs all aspects of the believer’s life. As Qutb wrote the fundamental concern of Islam is “to

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�� 240 No god but God unify the realm of earth and the realm of heaven in one system.” The primary condition for the realization of that system would be the adoption and implementation of the Shariah in the public sphere. Western secular values must be rejected in the Muslim world because Islam forbids its theological beliefs to be “divorced in nature or in objective from secular life and customs.” All secular governments therefore including those run by Arabs like Nasser must be replaced by force if necessary with a viable and morally accountable Islamic state. In 1965 a year after he had been released from prison Qutb was rearrested for the publication of Milestones and was hanged for trea- son. Meanwhile those radicalized members of the Muslim Brothers who had managed to escape Nasser’s wrath found refuge in the only place that would open its arms to them: Saudi Arabia a country on the verge of an economic explosion that would transform its rough band of tribal leaders into the wealthiest men in the world—an astounding achievement for a kingdom founded a little more than a decade earlier as the result of an informal alliance between an insignificant tribal Shaykh and a barely literate religious zealot. AT THE DAWN of the eighteenth century around the time Europe was beginning to take notice of the vast natural resources waiting to be tapped across the Mediterranean the sacred land that had given birth to Islam and reared it in its infancy fell under the nominal suzerainty of the Ottoman Empire though the Caliph allowed the Sharif of Mecca—a descendant of the Prophet and heir to the Banu Hashim—to wield authority over the Arabian population. Yet neither Ottoman influence nor the Sharif’s control extended far beyond the Hijaz. Throughout the vast inaccessible deserts of eastern Arabia—a region called the Najd whose austere and sterile landscape was matched by its stagnant religious and cultural development—there lived large numbers of autonomous tribes loyal to no one but them- selves. Among these was a small clan of little account led by an ambi- tious Shaykh named Muhammad ibn Saud d. 1765. While by no means a wealthy man ibn Saud owned most of the cultivated lands in the tiny oasis town of Dariyah which had been

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An Awakening in the East 241 founded by his family. His position as Shaykh gave him exclusive con- trol of the town’s wells and primary trade routes. Although he main- tained a small network of caravans his finances were severely limited by his reach which did not extend beyond the boundaries of the oasis. Still ibn Saud was a proud and ostentatious man cut from the fabric of his ancient Arab ancestors and fiercely dedicated to the protection of his family and clan. So when an itinerant preacher named Muham- mad ibn Abd al-Wahhab 1703–66 arrived in his oasis looking for protection he immediately seized the opportunity to create an alliance that would increase both his economic prosperity and his military might. Born in the deserts of Najd to a devout Muslim family Muham- mad ibn Abd al-Wahhab displayed his religious zeal at a young age. Recognizing his talent for Quranic study his father sent him to Medina to study with the disciples of Shah Wali Allah who had only recently launched his campaign against Indian Sufism. Abd al- Wahhab was deeply influenced by Wali Allah’s puritanical ideology. But it was not until he left Medina for Basra and experienced for him- self the rich diversity of Shi‘ism and Sufism in all its local variations that his anger at what he considered to be the adulteration of Islam transformed into a fanatical obsession to strip Islam of its “supersti- tious innovations” and restore it to its original Arab purity. Upon returning to the Arabian Peninsula he embarked on a violent crusade to promote his radically puritanical “fundamentalist” sect of Islam popularly known as Wahhabism. A few words are needed about the meaning and function of funda- mentalism in Islam. The term “fundamentalism” was first coined in the early twentieth century to describe a burgeoning movement among Protestants in the United States who were reacting to the rapid modernization and secularization of American society by reasserting the fundamentals of Christianity. Chief among these was a belief in the literal interpretation of the Bible—an idea that had passed out of favor with the ascendance of scientific theories such as evolution which tended to treat biblical claims of historicity with mocking contempt. Considering the fact that all Muslims believe in the “literal” quality of the Quran—which is after all the direct speech

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242 No god but God of God—it makes little sense to refer to Muslim extremists or mili- tants as “fundamentalists.” Nor is this a proper term for those Islamists like Sayyid Qutb whose goal is the establishment of an Islamic polity. Nevertheless because the term “Islamic fundamental- ism” has become so common that it has even slipped into Persian and Arabic where its literal translations are somewhat appropriately “bigot” in Arabic and “backward” in Persian I will continue to use it in this book—but not to describe politicized Islam. That movement will be called “Islamism” its proper name. “Islamic fundamentalism” in contrast refers to the radically ultraconservative and puritanical ideology most clearly represented in the Muslim world by Wahhabism. In truth Wahhabi doctrine is little more than an overly simplified conception of tawhid. When the Wahhabi declares “There is no god but God” he means that God must be the sole object of religious devotion any act of worship that involves any other entity whatsoever is considered shirk. For Abd al-Wahhab this included the veneration of Pirs the intercession of the Imams the commemoration of most religious holidays and all devotional acts that centered on the Prophet Muhammad. The Wahhabists sought to outlaw rituals like dhikr and matam or any other custom that had crept into Islam as it spread out of the tribal confines of the Arabian Peninsula to be absorbed by the disparate cultures of the Middle East Central Asia Europe India and Africa. In their place Abd al-Wahhab instigated a strict implementation of the Shariah free of all foreign influences and interpretations. Like al-Afghani Muhammad Abdu and the Pan- Islamists Sa‘d Zaghlul Sati al-Husri and the Pan-Arabists Hasan al- Banna the Muslim Brothers and the Islamic socialists and Sayyid Qutb Mawlana Mawdudi and the radical Islamists Abd al-Wahhab called for a return to the unadulterated Muslim community estab- lished by Muhammad in Medina. Y et Abd al-Wahhab’s was an archaic and exclusivist vision of that original community and any Muslims who did not share it—especially the Sufis and Shi‘ah—were put to the sword. As Hamid Algar has pointed out had it not been for the extraordi- nary circumstances under which Wahhabism emerged it would undoubtedly have “passed into history as a marginal and short-lived

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An Awakening in the East 243 sectarian movement.” Not only was this a spiritually and intellectually insignificant movement in a religion founded principally upon spiritu- alism and intellectualism it was not even considered true orthodoxy by the majority of Sunni Muslims. Yet Wahhabism had two distinct advantages that would guarantee its place as the most important sec- tarian movement in Islam since the Penitents first gathered at Karbala a thousand years earlier. First it had the good fortune to emerge in the sacred lands of the Arabian Peninsula where it could lay claim to a powerful legacy of religious revivalism. Second it benefited from a willing and eager patron who saw in its simple ideals the means of gaining unprecedented control over the region. That patron was Muhammad ibn Saud. The facts of the alliance between Ibn Saud and Abd al-Wahhab have given way to legend. The two men first met as Abd al-Wahhab and his disciples were tearing through the Arabian Peninsula demol- ishing tombs cutting down sacred trees and massacring any Muslim who did not accept their uncompromisingly puritanical vision of Islam. After being expelled from an oasis where they had received shelter the horrified villagers demanded that Abd al-Wahhab leave after he publicly stoned a woman to death they made their way toward the oasis of Dariyah and its Shaykh Muhammad ibn Saud who was more than happy to give Abd al-Wahhab and his holy war- riors his unconditional protection. “This oasis is yours” Ibn Saud promised “do not fear your enemies.” Abd al-Wahhab replied with an unusual demand. “I want you to grant me an oath” he said “that you will perform jihad against the unbelievers non-Wahhabi Muslims. In return you will be leader of the Muslim community and I will be leader in religious matters.” Ibn Saud agreed and an alliance was formed that would not only alter the course of Islamic history it would change the geopolitical balance of the world. Abd al-Wahhab’s holy warriors burst into the Hijaz conquering Mecca and Medina and expelling the Sharif. Once established in the holy cities they set about destroying the tombs of the Prophet and his Companions including those pilgrimage sites that marked the birthplace of Muhammad and his family. They sacked the treasury of the Prophet’s Mosque in Medina and set fire to every

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244 No god but God book they could find save the Quran. They banned music and flowers from the sacred cities and outlawed the smoking of tobacco and the drinking of coffee. Under penalty of death they forced the men to grow beards and the women to be veiled and secluded. The Wahhabis purposely connected their movement with the first extremists in the Muslim world the Kharijites and like their fanatical predecessors they focused their wrath inward against what they con- sidered to be the failings of the Muslim community. Thus with the Hijaz firmly under their control they marched north to spread their message to the Sufi and Shi‘ite infidels. In 1802 on the holy day of Ashura they scaled the walls of Karbala and massacred two thousand Shi‘ite worshippers as they celebrated Muharram. In an uncontrolled rage they smashed the tombs of Ali Husayn and the Imams giving particular vent to their anger at the tomb of the Prophet’s daughter Fatima. With Karbala sacked the Wahhabis turned north toward Mesopotamia and the heart of the Ottoman Empire. Only then did they get the attention of the Caliph. In 1818 the Egyptian khedive Muhammad Ali 1769–1849 at the behest of the Ottoman Caliph sent a massive contingent of heavily armed soldiers into the Peninsula. The Egyptian army easily over- whelmed the ill-equipped and poorly trained Wahhabis. Mecca and Medina were once again placed under the care of the Sharif and the Wahhabists forcefully sent back into the Najd. By the time the Egyp- tian troops withdrew the Saudis had learned a valuable lesson: they could not take on the Ottoman Empire on their own. They needed a far stronger alliance than the one they had with the Wahhabis. The opportunity to form just such an alliance presented itself with the Anglo-Saudi T reaty in 1915. The British who were eager to con- trol the Persian Gulf encouraged the Saudis to recapture the Arabian Peninsula from Ottoman control. To assist them in their rebellion the British provided regular shipments of weapons and money. Under the command of Ibn Saud’s heir Abd al-Aziz 1880–1953 the plan worked. At the close of the First World War when the Ottoman Empire had been dismantled and the Caliphate abolished ibn Saud reconquered Mecca and Medina and once again expelled the Sharif. After publicly executing forty thousand men and reimposing Wah-

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An Awakening in the East 245 habism over the entire population Abd al-Aziz ibn Saud renamed the Arabian Peninsula “the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.” The primitive tribe of the Najd and their fundamentalist allies had become the War- dens of the Sanctuary the Keepers of the Keys. Almost immediately the sacred land where Muhammad had received the gift of revelation miraculously burst forth with another gift from God—oil—giving the tiny Saudi clan sudden dominion over the world’s economy. They now felt it was up to them to respond to this blessing from God by spreading their puritanical doctrine to the rest of the world and purging the Muslim faith once and for all of its religious and ethnic diversity. The Muslim Brothers arrived in Saudi Arabia at an opportune time. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia remained the sole Muslim coun- try in which the Ulama had not lost their grip over society. On the contrary Saudi Arabia was both an utterly totalitarian and an uncom- promisingly Wahhabist state. Here there was no debate between Modernists and Islamists there was no debate whatsoever. National- ism Pan-Arabism Pan-Islamism Islamic socialism—none of these vibrant and influential movements in the Muslim world had a signifi- cant voice in the Saudi kingdom. The only doctrine that was tolerated was Wahhabi doctrine the only ideology Islamic fundamentalism. Any deviation was violently suppressed. No wonder the Saudi monarchy viewed Nasser’s secular national- ism as a direct threat to their way of life. As the man who defied the West by nationalizing the Suez Canal Nasser had achieved near- mythic status not only in the Muslim world but in most other third- world countries. In the Middle East Nasser embodied the last gasp of Pan-Arabism. His Arab socialist vision though failing miserably in Egypt was regarded by many Muslims as the sole alternative to the spread of Westoxification. So great was his charisma and so successful his brutal suppression of opposition that by the 1960s his authority was unchallenged in every sector of Egyptian society. Hoping to curb Nasser’s growing influence in the Muslim world the Saudi monarchy opened its arms to the radicalized Muslim Broth- ers—not just those who had been exiled from Egypt but also those from other secular Arab states like Syria and Iraq. The Saudis offered

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246 No god but God all the money support and security the Brothers needed to fight back against secular nationalism in their home countries. But the Muslim Brothers discovered more than shelter in Saudi Arabia. They discov- ered Wahhabism and they were not alone. Hundreds of thousands of poor workers from all over the Muslim world began pouring into Saudi Arabia to work the oil fields. By the time they returned to their homes they were fully indoctrinated in Saudi religiosity. Religious adherence to the Saudi model became the prerequisite for receiving government subsidies and contracts. The vast sums the Saudis paid to various Muslim charities the foundations they estab- lished the mosques universities and primary schools they built— everything the Saudis did was inextricably linked to Wahhabism. In 1962 their missionary efforts gained momentum with the creation of the Muslim World League whose primary goal was the spread of Wahhabi ideology to the rest of the Muslim world. This was in effect the new Islamic expansion except that these tribal warriors did not need to leave the Arabian Peninsula to conquer their neighbors their neighbors came to them. As Keepers of the Keys the Saudis controlled the Hajj pilgrimage to the chagrin of most Muslims who considered them little more than a crude band of unsophisticated fundamentalists. With billions of dollars spent to modernize and expand the pilgrimage festivities so as to ensure maximum participation nearly a million Muslims inundate the bare Meccan valley every year. Since the creation of the Muslim World League the simplicity certainty and unconditional morality of Wahhabism have infiltrated every corner of the Muslim world. Thanks to Saudi evangelism Wah- habi doctrine has dramatically affected the religio-political ideologies of the Muslim Brothers Mawdudi’s Islamic Association the Palestin- ian Hamas and Islamic Jihad to name only a few groups. The Saudis have become the patrons of a new kind of Pan-Islamism: one based on the austere uncompromising and extremist ideology of Islamic fun- damentalism which has become a powerful voice in deciding the future of the Islamic state. Of course the problem with fundamentalism is that it is by defini- tion a reactionary movement it cannot remain tied to power. The Saudi kingdom discovered this from the very beginning when sud-

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An Awakening in the East 247 denly flush with money Abd al-Aziz ibn Saud began using his new- found wealth to build a life befitting a king. Soon Saudi Arabia was awash in modern technology bought from the West. The elaborate process of extracting oil from the desert required the presence of hundreds of foreign nationals—mostly British and American—who brought to Arabia an unfamiliar yet alluring culture of materialism. So close was Abd al-Aziz to the British Empire that he was even knighted by the Queen. In short the king had been Westoxified and as a result turned his back on the Wahhabi warriors—now dubbed the Ikhwan or “brothers” not to be confused with the Muslim Brothers—who had helped place him in power. In 1929 the Ikhwan angered by the greed and corruption of the Saudi court launched a rebellion in the city of al-Salba. They demanded that the king renounce his materialism and expel the for- eign infidels from the holy land. In response Abd al-Aziz sent an army to al-Salba and massacred the Ikhwan. However Saudi Arabia quickly discovered what the rest of the world would soon learn. Fundamentalism in all religious traditions is impervious to suppression. The more one tries to squelch it the stronger it becomes. Counter it with cruelty and it gains adherents. Kill its leaders and they become martyrs. Respond with despotism and it becomes the sole voice of opposition. Try to control it and it will turn against you. T ry to appease it and it will take control. In 1991 during the Persian Gulf War to expel Saddam Hussein’s Iraqi army from Kuwait a small group of Saudi dissidents calling themselves al-Qaeda took up the original revolutionary ideology of Wahhabism and turned against the Saudi royal family whom they considered to be a corrupt bunch of gluttonous degenerates who had sold the interests of the Muslim community to foreign powers. In true Kharijite fashion al-Qaeda divided the Muslim world into “the Peo- ple of Heaven” themselves and “the People of Hell” everyone else. The sinful actions of the Saudi princes have in al-Qaeda’s view made them members of the latter group—apostates who must be pun- ished by excommunication from the holy community of God. And it is not just the Saudi royal family that al-Qaeda has targeted. All Muslims whose interpretation of scripture and observance of the Shariah do

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248 No god but God not fit in the Wahhabi model are considered infidels. Consequently as al-Qaeda’s founder Osama bin Laden has promised “They shall be wiped out” Despite the tragedy of September 11 and the subsequent terrorist acts against Western targets throughout the world despite the clash- of-civilizations mentality that has seized the globe and the clash-of- monotheisms reality underlying it despite the blatant religious rhetoric resonating throughout the halls of governments there is one thing that cannot be overemphasized. What is taking place now in the Muslim world is an internal conflict between Muslims not an external battle between Islam and the West. The West is merely a bystander— an unwary yet complicit casualty of a rivalry that is raging in Islam over who will write the next chapter in its story. All great religions grapple with these issues some more fiercely than others. One need only recall Europe’ s massively destructive Thirty Years’ War 1618–1648 between the forces of the Protestant Union and those of the Catholic League to recognize the ferocity with which interreligious conflicts have been fought in Christian history. In many ways the Thirty Years’ War signaled the end of the Reformation: per- haps the classic argument over who gets to decide the future of a faith. What followed that awful war during which nearly a third of the popu- lation of Germany perished was a gradual progression in Christian the- ology from the doctrinal absolutism of the pre-Reformation era to the doctrinal pluralism of the early modern period and ultimately to the doctrinal relativism of the Enlightenment. This remarkable evolution in Christianity from its inception to its Reformation took fifteen vicious bloody and occasionally apocalyptic centuries. Fourteen hundred years of rabid debate over what it means to be a Muslim of passionate arguments over the interpretation of the Quran and the application of Islamic law of trying to reconcile a fractured community through appeals to Divine Unity of tribal feuds crusades and world wars—and Islam has finally begun its fifteenth century.

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������ 10. Slouching Toward Medina THE ISLAMIC REFORMATION “I N THE NAME of God the Compassionate the Merciful” the IranAir pilot intones as our plane glides to a stop at Tehran’s Mehrabad Airport. There is a nervous shifting in the seats around me. The women sit upright adjusting their headscarves making sure their ankles and wrists are properly covered while their husbands rub the sleep from their eyes and begin gathering the belongings their chil- dren have scattered in the aisle. I lift my head to look for the two or three faces I have been care- fully observing since boarding the plane in London. They are the younger single passengers on board men and women who like me are in their late twenties or early thirties. They are dressed in ill-fitting clothes that look as though they were purchased in secondhand stores—awkward long-sleeved shirts dull slacks unadorned head scarves—all meant to appear as inoffensive as possible. I know this

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250 No god but God because this is precisely how I am dressed. When I catch their eyes I can see a glint of the same anxiety that courses through my body. It is a mixture of fear and excitement. For many of us this will be the first time we have set foot in the country of our birth since the revolution forced us from it as children. As part of an effort to reach out to the massive Iranian Diaspora who fled to Europe and the United States in the early 1980s the Ira- nian government recently issued a tentative amnesty to all expatriates announcing that they could return to Iran for brief visits—once a year and not to exceed three months—without fear of being detained or forced into completing their mandatory military duty. The response was immediate. Thousands of young Iranians began pouring into the country. Some had never known Iran except through the nostalgic tales of their parents. Others like me had been born in Iran but were spirited away when we were still too young to make decisions of our own. We disembark and slip into the steamy early morning. It is still dark but already the airport is bursting with arrivals from Paris Milan Berlin Los Angeles. A raucous crowd has gathered at passport control in nothing resembling a proper line. Babies scream. An unbear- able odor of sweat and cigarette smoke wafts through the air. Elbows jab me from all sides. And suddenly I am flooded with memories of this very same airport many years ago of linking arms with my family and shoving our way through a frantic mob trying to leave Iran before the borders closed and the airplanes were grounded. I remem- ber my mother crying out “Don’t lose your sister” I can still hear the terrifying breathlessness of her voice as though she were warning me that if I let go of my little sister’s hand she would be left behind. I gripped her fingers so tightly she began to cry and dragged her roughly toward the gate kicking at the knees around us to make way. T wo decades and four suffocatingly long hours later I am finally at the passport window. I slip my documents through a slot in the glass to a young lightly bearded man in broken spectacles. He flips through the pages absentmindedly while I prepare my well-rehearsed replies as to who I am and why I am here. “What is your point of origin” the agent asks wearily. “The United States” I reply.

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Slouching Toward Medina 251 He stiffens and looks up at my face. I can tell we are the same age though his tired eyes and his unshaven jowl make him appear much older. He is a child of the revolution I am a fugitive—an apostate. He has spent his life surviving a history that I have spent my life studying from afar. All at once I feel overwhelmed. I can barely look at him when he asks “Where have you been” as all passport agents are required to do. I cannot help but sense the accusation in his question. On the day Khomeini returned to Iran I took my four-year-old sister by the hand and despite my mother’s warning not to venture out- doors led her out of our apartment in downtown T ehran to join the celebrations in the streets. It had been days since we had gone outside. The weeks preceding the Shah’s exile and the Ayatollah’s return had been violent ones. The schools were closed most television and radio stations shut down and our quiet suburban neighborhood deserted. So when we looked out our window on that February morning and saw the euphoria in the streets nothing could have kept us inside. Filling a plastic pitcher with Tang and stealing two packages of Dixie cups from our mother’ s cupboard my sister and I sneaked out to join the revelry. One by one we filled the cups and passed them out to the crowd. Strangers stopped to lift us up and kiss our cheeks. Hand- fuls of sweets were thrown from open windows. There was music and dancing everywhere. I wasn’t really sure what we were celebrating but I didn’t care. I was swept up in the moment and enthralled by the strange words on everyone’s lips—words I had heard before but which were still mystifying and unexplained: Freedom Liberty Democracy A few months later the promise of those words seemed about to be fulfilled when Iran’s provisional government drafted a constitu- tion for the newly formed and thrillingly titled Islamic Republic of Iran. Under Khomeini’s guidance the constitution was a combination of third-world anti-imperialism mixed with the socioeconomic theo- ries of legendary Iranian ideologues like Jalal Al-e Ahmad and Ali Shariati the religio-political philosophies of Hasan al-Banna and Sayyid Qutb and traditional Shi‘ite populism. Its founding articles promised equality of the sexes religious pluralism social justice freedom of speech and the right to peaceful assembly—all the lofty principles the

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252 No god but God revolution had fought to attain—while simultaneously affirming the Islamic character of the new republic. In some ways Iran’s new constitution did not differ markedly from the one written after the country’s first anti-imperialist revolu- tion in 1905 except that this constitution appeared to envisage two governments. The first representing the sovereignty of the people included a popularly elected president who would serve as the execu- tive of a highly centralized state a parliament charged with creating and debating laws and an independent judiciary to interpret those laws. The second representing the sovereignty of God consisted of just one man: the Ayatollah Khomeini. This was the Valayat-e Faqih that Khomeini had been writing about furtively during his years of exile in France. In theory the Faqih is the most learned religious authority in the country whose primary function is to ensure the Islamic quality of the state. Yet through the machinations of Iran’s powerful clerical establishment the Faqih was transformed from a symbolic moral authority into the supreme politi- cal authority in the state. The constitution provided the Faqih with the power to appoint the head of the judiciary to be commander in chief of the army to dismiss the president and to veto all laws created by the parliament. Originally intended to reconcile popular and divine sovereignty the Valayat-e Faqih had suddenly paved the way for the institutionalization of absolute clerical control. Still Iranians were too elated by their newfound independence and too blinded by the conspiracy theories floating in the air about another attempt by the CIA and the U.S. embassy in Tehran to reestablish the Shah on his throne just as they had done in 1953 to recognize the dire implications of the new constitution. Despite warn- ings from the provisional government and the vociferous arguments of Khomeini’s rival ayatollahs particularly the Ayatollah Shariat- madari whom Khomeini eventually stripped of his religious creden- tials despite centuries of Shi‘ite law forbidding such actions the draft was approved in a national referendum by over 98 percent of the elec- torate. By the time most Iranians realized what they had voted for Sad- dam Hussein encouraged by the United States and furnished with

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Slouching Toward Medina 253 chemical and biological materials by the Centers for Disease Control and the Virginia-based company the American T ype Culture Collec- tion launched an attack on Iranian soil. As happens in times of war all dissenting voices were silenced in the interest of national security and the dream that had given rise to revolution a year earlier gave way to the reality of a totalitarian state plagued by the gross ineptitude of a ruling clerical régime wielding unconditional religious and political authority. The intention of the United States government in supporting Saddam Hussein during the Iran-Iraq war was to curb the spread of Iran’s revolution but it had the more disastrous effect of curbing its evolution. It was not until the end of the war in 1988 and the death of Khomeini a year later that the democratic ideals embedded in Iran’s constitution were gradually unearthed by a new generation of Iranians too young to remember the tyranny of the Shah but old enough to realize that the present system was not what their parents had fought for. It was their discontent that fueled the activities of a handful of reformist academics politicians philosophers and theologians who embarked on a new revolution in Iran not to secularize the country but to refocus it on genuine Islamic values like pluralism freedom justice human rights and above all democracy. As Abdolkarim Soroush the foremost Muslim political philosopher in Iran has defi- antly remarked “We no longer claim that a genuinely religious gov- ernment can be democratic but that it cannot be otherwise.” In the half century since the end of colonialism and the founding of the Islamic state Islam has been invoked to legitimize and to over- turn governments to promote republicanism and defend authoritari- anism to justify monarchies autocracies oligarchies and theocracies and to promote terrorism factionalism and hostility. The question remains: Can Islam now be used to establish a genuinely liberal democracy in the Middle East Can a modern Islamic state reconcile reason and Revelation to create a democratic society based on the eth- ical ideals established by the Prophet Muhammad in Medina nearly fifteen centuries ago Not only can it do so it must. Indeed it is already doing so in Iran and in other parts of the Muslim world. But it is a process that can be

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254 No god but God based only on Islamic traditions and values. The principal lesson to be learned from the failure of Europe’s “civilizing mission” is that democracy if it is to be viable and enduring can never be imported. It must be nurtured from within founded upon familiar ideologies and presented in a language that is both comprehensible and appealing to the indigenous population. Iran’s previous revolutions in 1905 and 1953 were hijacked by for- eigners whose interests were served by suppressing democracy in the region. The revolution of 1979 was hijacked by the country’s own clerical establishment who used their moral authority to gain absolute power. This counterrevolution however despite the brutally intransi- gent response it has thus far received from Iran’s clerical oligarchy must not be quelled. That is because the fight for Islamic democracy in Iran is merely one front in a worldwide battle taking place in the Muslim world—a jihad if you will—to strip the T raditionalist Ulama of their monopoly over the meaning and message of Islam and pave the way for the realization of the long-awaited and hard-fought Islamic Reformation. This is an internal struggle taking place not in the deserts of the Arabian Peninsula where the Islamic message was first introduced to the world but in the developing capitals of the Muslim world— T ehran Cairo Damascus and Jakarta—and in the cosmopolitan capi- tals of Europe and the United States—New York London Paris and Berlin—where that message is being redefined by scores of first- and second-generation Muslim immigrants. By merging the Islamic val- ues of their ancestors with the democratic ideals of their new homes these Muslims have formed what T ariq Ramadan the Swiss-born intel- lectual and grandson of Hasan al-Banna has termed the “mobilizing force” for the Islamic Reformation. Like the reformations of the past this will be a terrifying event one that has already begun to engulf the world. However out of the ashes of cataclysm a new chapter in the story of Islam will emerge. And while it remains to be seen who will write that chapter even now across the Muslim world a new revelation is at hand which after cen- turies of stony sleep has finally awoken and is slouching toward Me- dina to be born.

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�� Slouching Toward Medina 255 W ITH THE END of the Second World War a victorious yet finan- cially devastated Britain no longer able to bear the cost or justify the ideology of its colonial enterprise in India finally granted to the greatest symbol of its imperialist ambitions—the jewel in the crown of its dwindling empire—its long-sought independence. On August 14 1947 three hundred fifty years of colonial rule in India came to an end. Yet the day that C. E. T revelyan predicted would be “the proud- est monument of British benevolence” when “endowed with British learning and political institutions” India would represent colonialism’s greatest triumph became the day in which the fractious population of the Subcontinent was violently partitioned along reli- gious lines into a predominantly Hindu India and Muslim Pakistan. In many ways the partition of India was the inevitable result of three centuries of Britain’s divide-and-rule policy. As the events of the Indian Revolt demonstrated the British believed that the best way to curb nationalist sentiment was to classify the indigenous population not as Indians but as Muslims Hindus Sikhs Christians etc. The categorization and separation of native peoples was a common tactic for maintaining colonial control over territories whose national bound- aries had been arbitrarily drawn with little consideration for the eth- nic cultural or religious makeup of the local inhabitants. The French went to great lengths to cultivate class divisions in Algeria the Bel- gians promoted tribal factionalism in Rwanda and the British fos- tered sectarian schisms in Iraq all in a futile attempt to minimize nationalist tendencies and stymie united calls for independence. No wonder then that when the colonialists were finally expelled from these manufactured states they left behind not only economic and political turmoil but deeply divided populations with little common ground on which to construct a national identity. The partition of India was not simply the result of an internal feud between Muslims and Hindus. Nor was it an isolated event. Indonesia’ s numerous secessionist movements the bloody border disputes between Morocco and Algeria the fifty-year civil war in Sudan between Arab northerners and Black African southerners the partitioning of Palestine

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256 No god but God and the resulting cycle of violence the warring ethnic factions in Iraq and the genocide of nearly a million T utsis at the hands of the Hutus in Rwanda to name but a handful of cases have all been in considerable measure a result of the decolonization process. When Britain abandoned India with an overwhelming Hindu majority holding most of the economic social and political power in the country the Muslim minority educated by the British in the per- suasive rhetoric of democracy came to the conclusion that the only possible means of achieving autonomy was through Muslim self- determination. Hence the birth of the Islamic state. Yet beyond the call for self-determination there was little else that India’ s Muslim community agreed upon with regard to the role of Islam in the state. For Muhammad Ali Jinnah Pakistan’s reluctant founder Islam was merely the common heritage that could unite India’s diverse Muslim population into a united state. Jinnah regarded Islam in the same way that Gandhi regarded Hinduism—as a unifying cultural symbol not as a religio-political ideology. For Mawlana Mawdudi Pakistan’s ideological instigator the state was merely the vehicle for the realization of Islamic law. Mawdudi regarded Islam as the antithesis to secular nationalism and believed Pakistan would be the first step toward the establishment of a Muslim world-state. While the Muslim League Pakistan’s largest political party argued that the Islamic state must receive its mandate from its citizens the Islamic Association Pakistan’s largest Islamist organization coun- tered that the state could be considered Islamic only if sovereignty rested solely in the hands of God. In the wake of the chaos and bloodshed that followed the partition of India as some seventeen million people—the largest human migra- tion in history—fled across fractured borders in both directions nei- ther Jinnah’s nor Mawdudi’s vision of the Islamic state was realized. Despite the drafting of a constitution that envisioned a parliament elected to write the laws and a judiciary appointed to decide whether those laws were in accord with Islamic principles Pakistan quickly gave way to military dictatorship at the hands of Ayub Khan. Khan’s régime lasted until 1977 when Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s platform of Islamic socialism made him Pakistan’s first freely elected civilian ruler since partition. But Bhutto’s socialist reforms though popular with

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Slouching Toward Medina 257 the people were denounced as un-Islamic by extremist members of Pakistan’s Muslim clergy clearing the way for the military coup of General Zia al-Haq. With the help of the religious authorities Zia enacted a forced Islamization process in which Islam became both public morality and civil law. After Zia’s death in 1985 a new wave of elections resulted in the reformist governments of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif both of whom expounded a more liberal ideal of Islam in order to tap into Pakistan’s frustration with nearly a decade of bru- tal fundamentalism. But in 1999 after accusing the elected govern- ment of corruption the head of Pakistan’s army Pervez Musharraf imposed yet another military dictatorship on the country. All this in a span of fifty years. The experience of Pakistan serves as a reminder that the Islamic state is by no means a monolithic concept. Indeed there are many countries in the modern world that could be termed Islamic states none of which have much in common with each other. Egypt is an autocracy posing as a republic with a president for life and an impo- tent parliament. Syria is an Arab dictatorship whose ruler serves at the pleasure of its all-powerful military. Jordan and Morocco are volatile kingdoms whose young monarchs have made timid steps toward democratization though without forfeiting their absolute rule. Iran is a fascist country run by a corrupt clerical oligarchy committed to snuffing out any attempts at democratic reform. Saudi Arabia is a fun- damentalist theocracy whose only constitution is the Quran and whose only law is the Shariah. And yet not only do all of these coun- tries view themselves as the realization of the Medinan ideal they view each other as contemptible desecrations of that ideal. But if one were truly to rely on the Medinan ideal to define the nature and function of the Islamic state it would have to be character- ized as nothing more than the nationalist manifestation of the Ummah. At its most basic level the Islamic state is a state run by Mus- lims for Muslims in which the determination of values the norms of behavior and the formation of laws are influenced by Islamic moral- ity. At the same time minority faiths would be protected from harm and allowed complete social and political participation in the commu- nity just as they were in Medina. In the same way that the Revelation was dictated by the needs of the Ummah so would all legal and moral

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258 No god but God considerations be determined by the citizens of the Islamic state. For as Abu Bakr so wisely stated upon succeeding the Prophet Muslim allegiance is owed not to a president prime minister priest king or any earthly authority but to the community and to God. As long as these criteria which the Prophet established in Medina nearly fifteen centuries ago and which the Rightly Guided Caliphs struggled in their own way to preserve are satisfied then what form the Islamic state takes is irrelevant. So then why not democracy Representative democracy may be the greatest social and political experiment in the history of the world. But it is an ever-evolving experiment. These days there is a tendency to regard American democracy as the model for all the world’s democracies and in some ways this is true. The seeds of democracy may have been sown in ancient Greece but it is in American soil that they sprouted and flour- ished. Yet precisely for this reason only in America is American democracy possible it cannot be isolated from American traditions and values. The fact is that the vast majority of the more than one billion Muslims in the world readily accept the fundamental principles of democracy. Thanks to the efforts of Modernists like Muhammad Abdu most Muslims have appropriated the language of democracy into Islamic terms recognizing shura as popular representation ijma as political participation bay‘ah as universal suffrage. Democratic ideals such as constitutionalism government accountability plural- ism and human rights are widely accepted throughout the Muslim world. What is not necessarily accepted however is the distinctly Western notion that religion and the state should be entirely separate that secularism must be the foundation of a democratic society. Islam as Sayyid Qutb aptly noted has always been more than reli- gion it is in al-Afghani’s observation civilization. It is the dynamic conviction that a person’ s spiritual and worldly responsibilities are one and the same that an individual’s duty to the community is indistin- guishable from his or her duty to God. From the creation of the first Islamic civil order in Medina Islam has endeavored not merely to prevent vice but to encourage virtue not merely to satisfy the needs of the people but to satisfy the will of God. And since a state can be con-

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�� Slouching Toward Medina 259 sidered democratic only insofar as it reflects its society if the society is founded upon a particular set of values then must not its government be also Admittedly ever since September 11 it has been impossible to ask such questions without immediately conjuring up pictures of Afghanistan under the Taliban. In fact the image of the Afghan woman enveloped in the burqah and subjugated to the whims of an ignorant band of misogynists has become the symbol of everything that is backward and wicked about the concept of Islamic governance and such images are not easily supplanted by political philosophies. IN THE FALL of 1996 a group of ethnic Pashtun religious students from the poorest most conservative and least literate provinces of Afghanistan and Pakistan rolled uncontested into Kabul hoisting their trademark white flag representing purity. The students stormed the United Nations compound where Afghanistan’s president was hiding dragged him into the streets pummeled him to death and at dawn hung his bloated body from a lamppost. In this way the T aliban made its fearsome presence known to the world. The Taliban first entered the global stage along with a massive contingent of Muslim militants—known as the Mujahadin or “those who wage jihad”—from the Middle and Far East Central and South- east Asia and North and East Africa who from 1982 to 1992 were recruited and armed by the CIA to take part in a jihadist insurrection against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan. With Saudi funding the Mujahadin were sent to Pakistan where with the assistance of Zia al-Haq’s fundamentalist régime they were trained in terror tactics and indoctrinated with a militant combination of Shah Wali Allah’s religio-political ideology and Wahhabism’s radical puritanism all under the supervision of then CIA chief William Casey. The United States had long considered Wahhabism to be an important ally in the “Great Game” being played out against “godless Communism.” In fact to solidify Saudi support the United States took the extra step of drafting a wealthy Saudi student with intimate ties to the royal family Osama bin Laden to finance and oversee the insurrection in Afghanistan. Called “freedom fighters” by the CIA

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260 No god but God and compared to America’s founding fathers by President Ronald Reagan the combined force of the foreign Mujahadin fighters and the Afghani and Pakistani religious students not only forced the Soviet army to pull out of Afghanistan they ushered in the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War. Their mission in Afghanistan accomplished the triumphant Mujahadin took their Pakistani training their Saudi fundamentalism and their American weapons back to their home countries in order to launch their own jihads in places like Palestine Chechnya Morocco and Indonesia. The Taliban returned to their homes in the Pashtun regions near the border of Afghanistan and Pakistan to continue their religious education. And Afghanistan abandoned by a United States flushed with victory in the Cold War was left in the hands of lawless warlords who ran the country like competing Mafia gangs—killing torturing and raping indiscriminately in their quest for control. In 1992 when the T aliban decided to reunite under the leadership of their spiritual teacher Mullah Omar and retake Afghanistan this time from the hands of the feuding warlords they were again sup- ported by the United States Saudi Arabia and Pakistan. With the assistance of Pakistan’s ISI Inter-Services Intelligence agency the Taliban secured their home region of Kandahar in 1993. T wo years later they captured the Shi‘ite city of Herat and by 1996 they con- trolled the capital city of Kabul. With more than three fourths of the country under their control they then began a now infamous Wahhabization process throughout Afghanistan in which all religious sites—Muslim and non-Muslim—were destroyed tobacco and coffee outlawed men compelled to grow beards women forced into seclusion and the country’ s substantial Shi‘ite and Sufi populations massacred. Considering how often Islam has been used to rationalize the brutal policies of oppressive totalitarian régimes like the Taliban in Afghanistan the Wahhabists in Saudi Arabia or the Faqih in Iran it is hardly surprising that the term “Islamic democracy” provokes such skepticism in the West. Some of the most celebrated academics in the United States and Europe reject the notion outright believing that the principles of democracy cannot be reconciled with fundamental Islamic values. When politicians speak of bringing democracy to the

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Slouching Toward Medina 261 Middle East they mean specifically an American secular democracy not an indigenous Islamic one. And dictatorial régimes in the Middle East never seem to tire of preaching to the world that their brutally antidemocratic policies are justified because “fundamentalists” allow them but two possible options: despotism or theocracy. The problem with democracy from their point of view is that if people are allowed a choice they may choose against their governments. So in Algeria free democratic elections have been suspended whenever it seemed imminent that they would be won by an Islamist party while in Egypt a permanent application of the country’s emergency laws has made free elections inconceivable lest groups like the Muslim Brothers be given a voice in the government. Ignoring for a moment the role these and so many other auto- cratic régimes in the Middle East have played in creating Muslim extremism in the first place through their antidemocratic policies there exists a far more philosophical dispute in the Western world with regard to the concept of Islamic democracy: that is that there can be no a priori moral framework in a modern democracy that the foundation of a genuinely democratic society must be secularism. The problem with this argument however is that it not only fails to recog- nize the inherently moral foundation upon which a large number of modern democracies are built it more importantly fails to appreciate the difference between secularism and secularization. As the Protestant theologian Harvey Cox notes secularization is the process by which “certain responsibilities pass from ecclesiastical to political authorities” whereas secularism is an ideology based on the eradication of religion from public life. Secularization implies a historical evolution in which society gradually frees itself from “reli- gious control and closed metaphysical world-views.” Secularism is itself a closed metaphysical world-view which according to Cox “functions very much like a new religion.” Turkey is a secular country in which outward signs of religiosity such as the hijab are forcibly suppressed. With regard to ideological resolve one could argue that there is little that separates a secular country like Turkey from a religious country like Iran both ideolo- gize society. The United States however is a secularizing country unapologetically founded on a Judeo-Christian—and more precisely

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262 No god but God Protestant—moral framework. As recognized nearly two hundred years ago by Alexis de T ocqueville religion is the foundation of Amer- ica’ s political system. It not only reflects American social values it very often dictates them. One need only regard the language with which political issues like abortion rights and gay marriage are debated in Congress to recognize that religion is to this day an integral part of the American national identity and patently the moral foundation for its Constitution its laws and its national customs. Despite what schoolchildren read in their history books the reality is that the sepa- ration of “Church and State” is not so much the foundation of Ameri- can government as it is the result of a two-hundred-fifty-year secularization process based not upon secularism but upon pluralism. It is pluralism not secularism that defines democracy. A demo- cratic state can be established upon any normative moral framework as long as pluralism remains the source of its legitimacy. The State of Israel is founded upon an exclusivist Jewish moral framework that recognizes all the world’s Jews—regardless of their nationality—as citizens of the state. England continues to maintain a national church whose religious head is also the country’s sovereign. India was until recently governed by partisans of an élitist theology of Hindu Awak- ening Hindutva bent on applying their implausible but enormously successful vision of “true Hinduism” to the state. And yet like the United States these countries are all considered democracies not because they are secular but because they are at least in theory dedi- cated to pluralism. Islam has had a long commitment to religious pluralism. Mu- hammad’s recognition of Jews and Christians as protected peoples dhimmi his belief in a common divine text from which all revealed scriptures are derived the Umm al-Kitab and his dream of establish- ing a single united Ummah encompassing all three faiths of Abraham were startlingly revolutionary ideas in an era in which religion literally created borders between peoples. And despite the ways in which it has been interpreted by militants and fundamentalists who refuse to rec- ognize its historical and cultural context there are few scriptures in the great religions of the world that can match the reverence with which the Quran speaks of other religious traditions. It is true that the Quran does not hold the same respect for poly-

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Slouching Toward Medina 263 theistic religions as it does for monotheistic ones. However this is pri- marily a consequence of the fact that the Revelation was revealed dur- ing a protracted and bloody war with the “polytheistic” Quraysh. The truth that is the Quranic designation of “protected peoples” was highly flexible and was routinely tailored to match public policy. When Islam expanded into Iran and India both dualist Zoroastrians and certain polytheistic Hindu sects were designated as dhimmi. And while the Quran does not allow any religion to violate core Muslim values there is no country in the world that does not restrict the free- dom of religion according to public morality. Pluralism implies reli- gious tolerance not unchecked religious freedom. The foundation of Islamic pluralism can be summed up in one indisputable verse: “There can be no compulsion in religion” 2:256. This means that the antiquated partitioning of the world into spheres of belief dar al-Islam and unbelief dar al-Harb which was first developed during the Crusades but which still maintains its grasp on the imaginations of T raditionalist theologians is utterly unjustifiable. It also means that the ideology of those Wahhabists who wish to return Islam to some imaginary ideal of original purity must be once and for all abandoned. Islam is and has always been a religion of diver- sity. The notion that there was once an original unadulterated Islam that was shattered into heretical sects and schisms is a historical fic- tion. Both Shi‘ism and Sufism in all their wonderful manifestations represent trends of thought that have existed from the very beginning of Islam and both find their inspiration in the words and deeds of the Prophet. God may be One but Islam most definitely is not. Grounding an Islamic democracy in the ideals of pluralism is vital because religious pluralism is the first step toward building an effec- tive human rights policy in the Middle East. Or as Abdulaziz Sache- dina notes religious pluralism can function as “an active paradigm for a democratic social pluralism in which people of diverse religious backgrounds are willing to form a community of global citizens.” As with Islamic pluralism the inspiration for an Islamic policy of human rights must be based on the Medinan ideal. The revolutionary rights Muhammad gave to the marginalized members of his community have been exhaustively detailed in this book as have the consistent efforts by Muhammad’s religious and

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264 No god but God political inheritors to overturn those rights. Y et one need simply recall the Prophet’s warning to those who questioned his egalitarian meas- ures in Medina—“They will be thrown into Hell where they will dwell forever suffering from the most shameful punishment” 4:14— to recognize that acknowledging human rights in Islam is not simply a means of protecting civil liberties it is a fundamental religious duty. Nevertheless the Islamic vision of human rights is neither a pre- scription for moral relativism nor does it imply freedom from ethical restraint. Islam’s quintessentially communal character necessitates that any human rights policy take into consideration the protection of the community over the autonomy of the individual. And while there may be some circumstances in which Islamic morality may force the rights of the community to prevail over the rights of the individual— for instance with regard to Quranic commandments forbidding drink- ing or gambling—these and all other ethical issues must constantly be reevaluated so as to conform to the will of the community. It must be understood that a respect for human rights like plural- ism is a process that develops naturally within a democracy. Bear in mind that for approximately two hundred of America’s two hundred fifty years of existence black American citizens were considered legally inferior to whites. Finally neither human rights nor pluralism is the result of secularization they are its root cause. Consequently any democratic society—Islamic or otherwise—dedicated to the prin- ciples of pluralism and human rights must dedicate itself to following the unavoidable path toward political secularization. Therein lies the crux of the reformist argument. An Islamic democracy is not intended to be a “theo-democracy” but a demo- cratic system founded upon an Islamic moral framework devoted to preserving Islamic ideals of pluralism and human rights as they were first introduced in Medina and open to the inevitable process of polit- ical secularization. Islam may eschew secularism but there is nothing about fundamental Islamic values that opposes the process of political secularization. Only the Prophet had both religious and temporal authority and the Prophet is no longer among us. Like the Caliphs kings and sultans of history’s greatest Islamic civilizations the leaders of an Islamic democracy can hold only civic responsibilities. More- over there can be no question as to where sovereignty in such a sys-

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Slouching Toward Medina 265 tem would rest. A government of the people by the people and for the people can be established or demolished solely through the will of the people. After all it is human beings who create laws not God. Even laws based on divine scripture require human interpretation in order to be applied in the world. In any case sovereignty necessitates the ability not just to make laws but to enforce them. Save for the occasional plague this is a power God rarely chooses to wield on earth. Those who argue that a state cannot be considered Islamic unless sovereignty rests in the hands of God are in effect arguing that sover- eignty should rest in the hands of the clergy. Because religion is by definition interpretation sovereignty in a religious state would belong to those with the power to interpret religion. Yet for this very reason an Islamic democracy cannot be a religious state. Otherwise it would be an oligarchy not a democracy. From the time of the Prophet to the Rightly Guided Caliphs to the great empires and sultanates of the Muslim world there has never been a successful attempt to establish a monolithic interpretation of the meaning and significance of Islamic beliefs and practices. Indeed until the founding of the Islamic Republic of Iran no Islamic polity in the history of the world had ever been ruled by one individual’s read- ing of scripture. Therefore any notion of the Valayat-e Faqih or “guardianship of the Jurist” in an Islamic democracy must remain solely that: guardianship. Not control. This does not mean the religious authorities would have no influ- ence on the state. Khomeini may have had a point when he asserted that those who spend their lives pursuing religion are the most quali- fied to interpret it. However as with the Pope’s role in Rome such influence can be only moral not political. The function of the clergy in an Islamic democracy is not to rule but to preserve and more important to reflect the morality of the state. Again because it is not religion but the interpretation of religion that arbitrates morality such interpretation must always be in accord with the consensus of the community. Ultimately an Islamic democracy must be concerned not with reconciling popular and divine sovereignty but with reconciling “people’s satisfaction with God’s approval” to quote Abdolkarim

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266 No god but God Soroush. And if ever there is a conflict between the two it must be the interpretation of Islam that yields to the reality of democracy not the other way around. It has always been this way. From the very mo- ment that God spoke the first word of Revelation to Muhammad— “Recite”—the story of Islam has been in a constant state of evolution as it responds to the social cultural political and temporal circum- stances of those who are telling it. Now it must evolve once more. The tragic events of September 11 2001 may have fueled the clash- of-monotheisms mentality among those Muslims Christians and Jews who seem so often to mistake religion for faith and scripture for God. But it also initiated a vibrant discourse among Muslims about the meaning and message of Islam in the twenty-first century. What has occurred since that fateful day amounts to nothing short of another Muslim civil war—a fitnah—which like the contest to define Islam after the Prophet’s death is tearing the Muslim community into opposing factions. It may be too early to know who will write the next chapter of Islam’s story but it is not too early to recognize who will ultimately win the war between reform and counterreform. When fifteen cen- turies ago Muhammad launched a revolution in Mecca to replace the archaic rigid and inequitable strictures of tribal society with a radi- cally new vision of divine morality and social egalitarianism he tore apart the fabric of traditional Arab society. It took many years of vio- lence and devastation to cleanse the Hijaz of its “false idols.” It will take many more to cleanse Islam of its new false idols—bigotry and fanaticism—worshipped by those who have replaced Muhammad’s original vision of tolerance and unity with their own ideals of hatred and discord. But the cleansing is inevitable and the tide of reform cannot be stopped. The Islamic Reformation is already here. We are all living in it.

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Glossary �� ahadiyyah Meaning “oneness” the Sufi ideal of Divine Unity ahl/qawm A people or tribe ahl al-bayt The family of the Prophet Muhammad ahl al-Kitab The “People of the Book” usually referring to Jews and Christians see dhimmi al-Qaeda Wahhabist organization headed by Osama bin Laden amir A governor of a Muslim province Ansar The Helpers members of Medina’s clans who converted to Islam asbab al-nuzul The occasions for or causes of a particular verse being revealed to Muhammad Ash‘ari T raditionalist school of Islamic theology Ashura The tenth day of the Islamic month of Muharram and the climax of the Shi‘ite mourning ceremonies Aws Along with the Khazraj one of the two main pagan Arab clans in Medina ayah A verse of the Quran ayatollah Meaning “sign of God” other than Allamah the highest level a Shi‘ite cleric can achieve baraka Spiritual power

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268 Glossary Basmallah Invocation that opens most chapters Surahs of the Quran: “In the name of God the Compassionate the Merciful” batin The implicit hidden message of the Quran bay‘ah The oath of allegiance commonly given by the tribe to its Shaykh bayt/banu “House/sons” meaning clan bid‘a Religious innovation Caliph The successor to Muhammad and the temporal leader of the Muslim community Companions The first generation of Muslims those who accompanied Muhammad on the Hijra from Mecca to Yathrib Medina also called the Muhajirun darvish Meaning “beggar” a common term for Sufis dhikr Meaning “remembrance” the primary ritual in Sufism dhimmi Jews Christians and other non-Muslims considered “People of the Book” and protected by Islamic law du‘a Informal prayer erfan Mystical knowledge fana The annihilation of the self that occurs when a Sufi has reached a state of spiritual enlightenment Faqih A Muslim jurist the Supreme Leader of Iran faqir See darvish fatwa A legal declaration made by a qualified Muslim jurist fikr Mystical contemplation employed by certain Sufi Orders fiqh The study of Islamic jurisprudence fitnah Muslim civil war hadith Stories and anecdotes of the Prophet and his earliest companions Hajj The pilgrimage to Mecca Hakam An arbiter who settled disputes within and between tribes in pre-Islamic Arabia Hanif Pre-Islamic Arab monotheist Hashim The name of Muhammad’s clan henotheism The belief in a single “High God” without the explicit rejection of other lower gods hijab Muslim practice of veiling and seclusion of women

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Glossary 269 Hijaz The region of western Arabia Hijra The emigration from Mecca to Yathrib Medina in 622 C.E. year 1 A.H. after Hijra in the Islamic calendar Iblis The Devil corruption of Latin diabolus Satan ijma T raditionally the consensus of the Ulama on a specific legal issue not covered by the Quran and hadith ijtihad The independent legal judgment of a qualified legal scholar or mujtahid Ikhwan The Wahhabist “holy warriors” who helped the Saudis capture Arabia Imam In Shi‘ism the divinely inspired leader of the community Islamism An Islamic movement whose primary goal is the estab- lishment of an Islamic polity isnad A chain of transmission meant to validate individual hadith Jahiliyyah The “Time of Ignorance” before the advent of Islam jihad A struggle or striving Jinn Imperceptible salvable spirits known as “genies” in the West jizyah Protection tax paid by the dhimmi Ka‘ba The ancient sanctuary at Mecca that housed the tribal deities of the Hijaz before being cleansed by Muhammad and rededicated to Allah kafir An unbeliever Kahin A soothsayer or ecstatic poet in pre-Islamic Arabia who received inspirations from the Jinn kalam Islamic theology Kharijites Radical sect that broke off from Shi‘ism during Ali’s Caliphate Khazraj Along with the Aws one of the two main pagan Arab clans in Medina and the first clan to accept Muhammad’s message khedive Egyptian monarchs under the suzerainty of the British Empire madrassa Islamic religious school Mahdi The “Hidden Imam” who is in occultation until the Last Days when he will return to usher in a time of justice

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270 Glossary matam Self-flagellation rituals mourning the martyrdom of Husayn Mujahadin Muslim militants literally “those who wage jihad” mujtahid A Muslim jurist worthy of emulation and qualified to make authoritative legal declarations muruwah Pre-Islamic code of tribal conduct Muslim Islamic socialist organization founded by Hasan Brothers al-Banna in Egypt in 1928 Mu‘tazilah Rationalist school of Islamic theology nabi A prophet nafs Meaning “breath” the self or ego according to Sufism Najd The desert regions of eastern Arabia naskh The abrogation of one verse in the Quran by another Pan-Arabism Principle of racial unity among the world’s Arab population Pan-Islamism Principle of religious unity among the world’s Muslim population Pir A Sufi master also known as Shaykh or Friend of Allah Qa‘id Pre-Islamic tribal war leader qalb The “heart” corresponding to the soul in Sufism qiblah The direction of prayer toward Mecca qiyas Analogical reasoning used as a source in the development of Islamic law Quraysh The rulers of Mecca in pre-Islamic Arabia Qurra The Quran readers who were the first to memorize record and disseminate the Revelation qutb The “cosmic pole” around which the universe rotates Rashidun The first four “Rightly Guided” Caliphs: Abu Bakr Umar Uthman and Ali rasul A messenger ruh The Universal Spirit the breath of God Salafiyyah Muslim reform movement begun in Egypt by Muham- mad Abdu and Jamal ad-Din al-Afghani salat Ritual prayer performed five times a day at sunrise noon afternoon sunset and evening sawm Fasting

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Glossary 271 shahadah The Muslim profession of faith: “There is no god but God and Muhammad is God’s Messenger.” Shariah Islamic law whose primary sources are the Quran and hadith Shaykh The leader of the tribe or clan also called Sayyid Shi‘ism The largest sect in Islam founded by the followers of Ali shirk T o obscure the Oneness and Unity of God in any way shura A consultative assembly of tribal elders who chose the Shaykh in pre-Islamic Arabia Sufism The name given to the mystical traditions in Islam Sunna The traditions of the Prophet composed of the hadith Sunni The main or “orthodox” branch of Islam Surah A chapter of the Quran Tabiun The second generation of Muslims after the Companions tafsir T raditional Quranic exegesis tahannuth Pre-Islamic religious retreat tajwid The science of Quranic recitation tanzil Direct revelation handed down from God to Muhammad tariqah The spiritual path or Way of the Sufi taqiyyah Cautionary dissimulation practiced by the Shi‘ah taqlid Blind acceptance of juridical precedent tasawwuf The state of being a Sufi tawaf The seven ritual circumambulations of the Ka‘ba tawhid Meaning “making one” refers to God’ s Oneness and Unity ta’wil T extual exegesis of the Quran that focuses on the hidden esoteric meaning of the text ta‘ziyeh A public performance reenacting the martyrdom of Husayn at Karbala topos A conventional literary theme Ulama Islam’s clerical establishment Ummah The name given to the Muslim community at Medina Umm al-Kitab “The Mother of Books” the heavenly source of all revealed scriptures umra The lesser pilgrimage at Mecca Valayat-e “The Guardianship of the Jurist” the religio-political Faqih ideology founded by the Ayatollah Khomeini

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272 Glossary Wahhabism Puritanical sect of Islam founded by Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab in Arabia wali The executor of God’s divine message zahir The explicit message of the Quran zakat Mandatory alms given to the Muslim community and dis- tributed to the poor zakir Shi‘ite religious specialists who recite stories of the mar- tyrs during the Muharram ceremonies Zamzam The well situated near the Ka‘ba

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�� Notes Prologue: The Clash of Monotheisms The Reverend Franklin Graham made his comments regarding Islam on November 16 2002 while appearing on the NBC Nightly News. “We’re not attacking Islam but Islam has attacked us” he said. “The God of Islam is not the same God. He’ s not the son of God of the Christian or Judeo-Christian faith. It’s a different God and I believe it Islam is a very evil and wicked religion.” Anne Coulter’s article “This Is War: We Should Invade Their Countries” was posted on National Review Online on September 13 2001. Jerry Vines’s speech was given at the annual Southern Baptist Convention June 10 2001. A text of James Inhofe’s disturbing Senate address delivered on March 4 2002 is available at the Middle East Information Center see Barry Y eoman has written a wonderful article about undercover missionaries in the Muslim world titled “The Stealth Crusade” in Mother Jones May/June 2002. 1. The Sanctuary in the Desert Whenever possible references to English translations of Arabic texts are provided for the convenience of Western readers. My description of the pagan Ka‘ba relies on the writings of Ibn Hisham and al- Tabari as well as The Travels of Ali Bey al-Abbasi as recounted in Michael Wolfe’s excellent collection of pilgrimage accounts One Thousand Roads to Mecca 1997. I also suggest F. E. Peters Mecca: A Literary History of the Muslim Holy Land 1994. For the English translation of Ibn Hisham see Alfred Guillaume’s The Life of Muhammad 1955. For an English translation of al-T abari see the multivolume set edited by Ihsan Abbas et al. The History of Al-T abari 1988.

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274 Notes The three hundred sixty gods in the sanctuary must be understood as a sacred not a factual number. Considering the small size of the Ka‘ba it is likely that most if not all the idols in Mecca were originally placed outside the sanctuary near a semicircular region called the Hijr. For more on the role and function of the Hijr see Uri Rubin’s article “The Ka’ba: Aspects of Its Ritual Function and Position in Pre- Islamic and Early Times” in Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 1986. In my opinion the best text on the subject of sacred places is still Mircea Eliade’s The Sacred and the Profane 1959 see also his The Myth of the Eternal Return 1954. The story of the “navel of the world” is treated in G. R. Hawting’ s brief article “We Were Not Ordered with Entering It but Only with Circumambulating It: Hadith and Fiqh on Entering the Kaaba” in Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 1984. What little we know about the Amir tribe’s worship of dhu-Samawi is outlined in a brief article by Sheikh Ibrahim al-Qattan and Mahmud A. Ghul “The Arabian Background of Monotheism in Islam” in The Concept of Monotheism in Islam and Christianity edited by Hans Kochler 1982. An excellent discussion of paganism in the Near East before the rise of Islam can be found in Jonathan P . Berkey The Formation of Islam 2003. See also Robert G. Hoyland Arabia and the Arabs 2001. For a more in-depth analysis of the various religious traditions that existed in the Arabian Peninsula before the rise of Islam I suggest Joseph Henninger’s brief article “Pre-Islamic Bedouin Religion” in Studies on Islam edited by Martin Schwartz 1981. Despite his strict monotheism Muham- mad wholeheartedly accepted the Jinn and even gave them their own chapter in the Quran Chapter 18. Muhammad may have equated the Jinn with some vague con- cept of angelology. Thus good Jinn are angels and bad Jinn especially Iblis Satan who is often called a Jinn are demons see Quran 18:50. An insightful discussion of the Ka‘ba’s Jewish influences can be found in G. R. Hawting’s “The Origins of the Muslim Sanctuary at Mecca” in Studies on the First Century of Islamic Studies edited by G.H.A. Juynboll 1982. That the traditions regarding the origins of the Ka‘ba predate Islam is I believe definitively demon- strated by Uri Rubin’s article “Hanafiyya and Ka’ba: An Enquiry into the Arabian Pre-Islamic Background of din Ibrahim” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 1990. A closer inspection of the traditions surrounding the Black Stone makes it clear that this was a meteor that had fallen to earth. The Arab historian Ibn Sa’d states that when it was first discovered “the black stone shone like the moon for the people of Mecca until the pollution of impure people caused it to go black.” Jacob’s dream can be found in Genesis 28:10–17. For more on the Jews in Arabia see Gordon Darnell Newby A History of the Jews of Arabia 1988 especially pp. 49–55. For more on the relationship between the Kahin and Kohen see applicable entries in The Encyclope- dia of Islam. Some examples of the Quran’s use of explicit Christian imagery include its mention of the “trumpets” that will herald the Last Judgment 6:73 18:99 23:101 etc. the fiery damnation awaiting sinners in hell 104:6–9 and the vision of para- dise as a garden 2:25 though the latter may have its origins in Iranian religious tra- ditions. A deeper study of this connection can be found in John Wansbrough Quranic Studies: Source and Methods of Scriptural Interpretation 1977 and H.A.R. Gibb’s regrettably titled but extremely informative book Mohammedanism 1970. For more general comments on the influence of Christianity in the Arabian Penin- sula see Richard Bell The Origins of Islam in Its Christian Environment 1968. The story of Baqura can be found in al-T abari p. 1135 and also in the chronicles of al- Azraqi as quoted in Peters Mecca. Note that the Quranic claim that it was not Jesus

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Notes 275 but another in his semblance who was crucified echoes similar Monophysite as well as Gnostic beliefs regarding Jesus’ divine nature. Some other tribes known to have converted to Christianity are the T aghlib the Bakr ibn Wa’il and the Banu Hanifa. It is unclear exactly when Zarathustra preached his faith. Dates of the Prophet range from the purely mythical 8000 B.C. to the eve of the Iranian Kingdom sev- enth century B.C.. I believe the most logical date for the birth of Zoroastrianism is c. 1100–1000 B.C. See my article “Thus Sprang Zarathustra: A Brief Historiography on the Date of the Prophet of Zoroastrianism” in Jusur 1998–99. The influence of Zoroastrian eschatology can be seen quite clearly in Jewish apocalyptic movements such as that of the Essenes or whoever is responsible for the Dead Sea Scrolls who developed a complicated eschatology in which the sons of light battle the sons of darkness both Zoroastrian terms at the end times ultimately ushering in the reign of the Teacher of Righteousness. For more on Zoroastrianism I suggest Mary Boyce’s comprehensive three-volume set History of Zoroastrianism 1996. Those with less time on their hands can try her abridgment Zoroastrians Their Religious Beliefs and Practices 2001 or alternatively Farhang Mehr The Zoroastrian Tradition 1991. Briefly Mazdakism was a socio-religious movement founded by a Zoroas- trian heretic named Mazdak who emphasized equality and solidarity primarily through the communal sharing of all goods and properties including women. Manichaeism the doctrine founded by the Prophet Mani was a Gnostic religious movement heavily influenced by Zoroastrianism Christianity and Judaism which preached a complex radical dualism between the forces of darkness/evil and the forces of light /good. The story of Zayd and the Hanif can be found in Ibn Hisham pp. 143–49. See also Jonathan Fueck “The Originality of the Arabian Prophet” in Studies on Islam ed. Schwartz 1981. The epitaphs of Khalid ibn Sinan and Qass ibn Sa’idah are quoted in Mohammed Bamyeh’s truly indispensable book The Social Origins of Islam 1999. For more on Abu Amir ar-Rahib and Abu Qais ibn al-Aslat both of whom vigorously opposed Muhammad’s Muslim community in Medina see Rubin’s “Hanafiyya and Ka‘ba.” Once again Rubin definitively demonstrates that Hanifism existed before the rise of Islam though other scholars including Montgomery Watt Patricia Crone and John Wansbrough disagree. Although it is obvious that Zayd’s verses were put into his mouth by later Arab chroniclers the content of his poetry nonetheless reveals what these Arabs thought Hanifism represented. An analysis of the Zayd and Muhammad traditions can be found in M. J. Kister “A Bag of Meat: A Study of an Early Hadith” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 1968. The story I narrate here is an amalgamation of two of these traditions: one from folios 37b–38a in the Qarawiyun manuscript 727 and translated by Alfred Guillaume in “New Light on the Life of Muhammad” Journal of Semitic Studies 1960 the other recorded by al-Khargushi and translated by Kister. While the exact definition of tahannuth is still debated by scholars Ibn Hisham and al- T abari both indicate that this was a pagan religious practice connected in some way to the cult of the Ka‘ba which took place in the “edens” “valleys” and “mountains” of Mecca. For more on the subject see M. J. Kister “al-T ahannuth: An Inquiry into the Meaning of a T erm” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 1968. F. E. Peters notes in The Hajj 1994 that the Arabic term for “erring” in verse 7 dalla meaning “misguided” or “astray” “leaves little doubt that the ‘error’ was not simply that Muhammad was confused but that he was immersed in the same repre- hensible practices in which the Quraysh persisted even after God had sent the ‘guid- ance’ to them as well.”

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276 Notes The rebuilding of the Ka‘ba can be found in al-T abari pp. 1130–39. The tradi- tions imply that Muhammad was somehow dragged into the process though that does not disprove Muhammad’s full cooperation in the reconstruction of the pagan sanctuary. A complete discussion of the date of the Abyssinian attack and the birth of Muhammad is offered by Lawrence I. Conrad “Abraha and Muhammad” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 1987. Muhammad’s infancy narratives can be found in Ibn Hisham pp. 101–19 and in al-T abari pp. 1123–27. 2. The Keeper of the Keys Rubin discusses Qusayy’s religious innovations in “The Ka’ba.” Mecca’s geographi- cal position on the north-south trade route is just one of the many issues analyzed by Richard Bulliet in The Camel and the Wheel 1975. Those scholars who tend to maintain the traditional view of Mecca’s role as the dominant trading center in the Hijaz include W. Montgomery Watt Muhammad at Mecca 1953 and M. A. Sha- ban Islamic History: A New Interpretation 1994. Patricia Crone’s rejection of this theory can be found in Meccan Trade and the Rise of Islam 1987. Peters’ s compromise comes from Muhammad and the Origins of Islam 1994 pp. 27 74–75 and 93. Those interested in Crone’s theories regarding Muhammad and the rise of Islam can see her books Hagarism: The Making of the Islamic World 1977 coauthored with M. A. Cook and God’s Caliph: Religious Authority in the First Centuries of Islam 1986 coauthored with Martin Hinds. For the role and function of the Shaykh in pre-Islamic Arabia see W. Mont- gomery Watt Islamic Political Thought 1968. The role of the Hakam in developing the normative legal tradition Sunna is most clearly described by Joseph Schacht An Introduction to Islamic Law 1998. The quote regarding the loyalty of the Hanifs to the Quraysh is from Rubin “The Hanafiyya and Ka‘ba” p. 97. It is interesting to note by the way that the protection of orphans and widows has always been the pri- mary criterion for just rule. The great Babylonian king Hammurabi whose famous stele represents the first written code of laws for governing society states that he conquered his enemies in order to give “justice to the orphan and the widow.” For more on the various meanings of an-nabi al-ummi see Kenneth Cragg’s marvelous book on the history and meaning of the Quran The Event of the Qur’an 1971. Conrad’s quote is from “Abraha and Muhammad” 374–75. For the nar- ratives concerning Muhammad’s first revelatory experience and his marriage to Khadija see Ibn Hisham pp. 150–55 and al-T abari pp. 139–56. As noted in the sixth chapter the Quran is not chronologically organized so it is difficult to determine exactly which revelations came first. While there is a great deal of disagreement it is generally accepted that the two best compilations of the earliest verses were completed individually by Theodor Noeldeke and Richard Bell. Montgomery Watt has combined those verses about which both men agree to create a list of what he considers to be the earliest verses in the Quran. I will not comment on Watt’s list which most scholars accept except to say that whether it is a faultless list or not it provides a very good template of what the first message entailed. The verses in Watt’s list are taken from major sections of the following chapters: 96 74 106 90 93 86 80 87 84 51 52 55 I would add to this list Noeldeke’s inclusion of 104 and 107 which because they indicate the presence of the first opposition to Muhammad’s message may have been delivered right on the heels of the earliest verses. See Watt’ s Muhammad: Prophet and Statesman 1974. Richard Bell provides a four-column analysis of the Uthmanic and Egyptian chronologies alongside Noeldeke’s and William Muir’s in his Introduction to the Qur’an 1953 pp. 110–14.

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Notes 277 The names of Muhammad’s earliest followers are listed in Ibn Hisham pp. 159–65. Al-T abari explicitly states that this group was “few in number.” There is a disagreement between Sunnis and Shi‘ites as to whether Abu Bakr or Ali was the first male convert but this is an ideological argument. There can be no serious ques- tion that Ali as the closest person to Muhammad at the time was the first male con- vert to Islam. For the Qurayshi defense of polytheism see al-Tabari p. 1175 and Richard Bell 1968 p. 55. The quotation regarding religion and trade in Mecca is from Muhammad Shaban “Conversion to Early Islam” in Conversion to Islam edited by Nehemia Levtzion 1979. For more on Luqman the Wise see The Fables of Luqman edited by Reyes Carboneli 1965. Maxime Rodinson’s book Mohammad 1971 offers an interesting if outdated perspective on the life of the Prophet. His comments about Muhammad’s marriage to Khadija can be found on page 51. My physical description of Muhammad comes from the beautiful description of him written by Tirmidhi as quoted in Annemarie Schimmel And Muhammad Is His Mes- senger 1985. 3. The City of the Prophet Ibn Batuta provides what is probably the earliest description of the Prophet’s mosque in his famous Travels 1958. There is evidence to suggest that Yathrib’s inhabitants already referred to the oasis as Medina the City before Muhammad’s arrival though Muhammad’s presence obviously changed the connotation of that name. Ali Abd ar-Raziq’s Islam and the Bases of Power is available in French as “L ’Islam et les Bases du Pouvoir” translated by L. Bercher in Revue des Etudes Islamiques VIII 1934. An English translation of important sections of the work can be found in Islam in Transition edited by John J. Donohue and John L. Esposito 1982. Ahmed Rashid’s The T aliban 2000 is the best introductory text on the history of the T aliban in Afghanistan. The Banu Nadir and the Banu Qurayza each of which consisted of several branches may have had an alliance with each other. T ogether they were known as the Banu Darih. But like all tribal relationships this was a political and economic affiliation and had nothing to do with their shared religious tradition. There is still debate over whether Yathrib’s Jews were converts or immigrants. The majority of scholars believe them to be Arab converts and as we shall see the evidence seems to agree. For an outline of this argument see Watt Muhammad at Medina 1956 and S. D. Goiten Jews and Arabs 1970. Barakat Ahmad calculates the Jewish popula- tion of Yathrib to have been between 24000 and 36000 inhabitants in Muhammad and the Jews: A Re-Examination 1979 that may be a bit high. For more on the brief period of Persian control over the region as well as the division of Yathrib between the Jews and Arabs see Peters Muhammad al-Waqidi’s quote is from page 193 of Peters’s text. See Michael Lecker Muslims Jews and Pagans: Studies on Early Islamic Medina 1995 for a discussion of the late conversion of the Aws. A full discussion of the controversy over the date and meaning of the Constitu- tion of Medina can be found in Moshe Gil “The Constitution of Medina: A Recon- sideration” in Israel Oriental Studies 1974. For more on Muhammad’s role as Shaykh of the Emigrants see Watt Islamic Political Thought. Watt also provides an English translation of the Constitution of Medina in his appendix pp. 130–34. For a further discussion of the origins of the word Ummah I suggest the entry in Encyclopedia of Islam. Bertram Thomas’s portrayal of the Ummah as a

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278 Notes “super-tribe” is from The Arabs 1937 Marshall G. S. Hodgson’s term “neo-tribe” is from The V enture of Islam vol. 1 1974. Anthony Black provides a valuable insight into the similarities between the purpose and function of rituals of the Ummah and the pagan tribes in The History of Islamic Political Thought 2001. I am convinced that the shahadah was originally addressed not to God but to Muhammad because a great many of those who had proclaimed the shahadah and thereby joined the Ummah while Muhammad was alive considered their oaths to be annulled with the Prophet’s death according to tribal custom the bay‘ah never survived the death of the tribe’s Shaykh. As we shall see in Chapter 5 the annul- ment of the bay‘ah eventually led to the Riddah Wars. Incidentally the word “Islam” to designate Muhammad’s movement may not have been applied by the Prophet until his farewell pilgrimage: “Today I have perfected your religion I have com- pleted my blessings upon you and I have approved Islam as your religion” 5:5. There are many versions of the al-Ayham story. Mine is taken from Watt Muhammad at Medina p. 268. For more on Muhammad’s market see M. J. Kister “The Market of the Prophet” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 1965. There are of course two creation stories in Genesis. The first which is derived from what is referred to as the Priestly tradition can be found in the first chapter in which God creates man and woman simultaneously. The second and better-known tradition of Adam and Eve is from the second chapter. For Muhammad’s reforms aimed at women and the reactions to them see Fatima Mernissi The Veil and the Male Elite 1991 al-T abari’s quote is taken from page 125 of Mernissi’s book. How exactly the inheritance was to be divided between the male and female heirs can be found in the Quran 4:9–14 and is explained ade- quately by Watt in Muhammad at Medina pp. 289–93. Watt also provides a valuable discussion of the transition from matriliny to patriliny in Meccan society on pp. 272–89. For more on the rules regarding the wife’s dowry see Hodgson 1974 p. 182. The traditions of pre-Islamic marriage and divorce as well as the imposition of the veil are dealt with in detail in Leila Ahmed’s excellent book Women and Gender in Islam 1992. Those interested in the issue of stoning as punishment for adultery should see my article “The Problem of Stoning in Islamic Law: An Argument for Reform” UCLA Journal of Islamic and Near Eastern Law 2005 also Ahmad Von Denffer Ulum Al-Qur’an 1983 pp. 110–11. The punishment of stoning to death was actu- ally derived from Hebrew law where it was prescribed for a number of crimes including adultery Deut. 22:13–21 blasphemy Deut. 24:14 calling up spirits Deut. 20:27 and disobeying one’s parents Deut. 21:18–21. The Quran estab- lishes the punishment of lashes for the adulterer in one verse 24:2 and lifelong imprisonment in another 4:15–16. However both Sahih al-Bukhari and Sahih al- Hajjaj claim that Muhammad had himself ordered stoning for adultery. But there is a great deal of confusion within these traditions. For instance Abdullah ibn Aufa reports that Muhammad did indeed carry out stoning but when asked whether Muhammad prescribed stoning before or after the Surah an-Nur which clearly endorses lashes for the adulterer Ibn Aufa replies that he did not know al-Bukhari 8.824. For more on Umar’s misogynist innovations see Leila Ahmed 1992 pp. 60–61. For the commentary on sufaha and Abu Bakra’s hadith see Mernissi 126 49 also 45–46. The hadith on the rights of women is from Kitab al-Nikah no. 1850 the Prophet’s quote about women’s deficiencies is from al-Bukhari vol. 1 no. 304

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Notes 279 and ar-Razi’s commentary is from his massive work at-T afsir al-Kabir. For Muham- mad’s consultation with Umm Salamah at Hudaybiyya see al-T abari p. 1550. The origin of and problems with the hadith are dealt with well in Ignaz Goldziher Intro- duction to Islamic Theology and Law 1981. Goldziher also outlines the remarkable contribution of female textual scholars in his brief article “Women in the Hadith Literature” in Muslim Studies 1977. Lord Cromer’s quote is from Leila Ahmed 1992 pp. 152–53. Ali Shariati’s quote is from Fatima Is Fatima 1971 p. 136. Shirin Ebadi’s quote is from the pre- sentation speech by Professor Ole Danbolt Mjos Chairman of the Norwegian Nobel Committee and is available at There are a number of excellent studies on the role of women in contemporary Muslim society. I recommend Faith and Freedom edited by Mahnaz Af khami 1995 Islam Gender and Social Change edited by Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad and John L. Esposito 1998 In the Eye of the Storm: Women in Post-Revolutionary Iran edited by Mahnaz Af khami and Erika Friedl 1994 and Haideh Moghissi’s Feminism and Islamic Fundamentalism 1999. See also my critique of Moghissi’s text in Iranian Studies 2002. 4. Fight in the Way of God The description of the battle of Uhud that begins this chapter is drawn from the account in al-T abari pp. 1384–1427. Samuel Huntington’s quote is from his article “The Clash of Civilizations” in Foreign Affairs Summer 1993 pp. 35. Bernard Lewis’s quote can be found in Hilmi M. Zawati Is Jihad a Just War 2001 on p. 2 Zawati outlines the use of jihad as defensive war in pages 15–17 41– 45 and 107. Weber’s quote is from Bryan S. Turner Weber and Islam: A Critical Study 1974 p. 34. The quote about the scimitar-brandishing Arab warrior is from Rudolph Peters Islam and Colonialism: The Doctrine of Jihad in Modern History 1979 p. 4. For more on the use function and development of the doctrine of jihad see Rudolph Peters’s other work Jihad in Classical and Modern Islam 1996 also Jihad and Shahadat edited by Mehdi Abedi and Gary Legenhausen 1986 especially the definitions on pages 2 and 3 and Mustansir Mir’s insightful article “Jihad in Islam” in The Jihad and Its Times edited by Hadia Dajani-Shakeel and Ronald A. Messier 1991. Hadith forbidding the killing of women and children can be found in Sahih al-Hajjaj nos. 4319 and 4320. For more on Vaisnava and Saiva traditions and the kingdoms they inspired see Gavin Flood An Introduction to Hinduism 1996. The role of the Crusades in shaping Muslim ideas of jihad is discussed in Hadia Dajani-Shakeel’s article “Perceptions of the Counter Crusade” in The Jihad and Its Times pp. 41–70. Mustansir Mir’s quote is on page 114. Those interested in the comparative ethics of war as well as the doctrine of jihad as a just war theory should see Michael Walzer Just and Unjust Wars 1977 and John Kelsay Islam and War 1993 especially pp. 57–76. Dr. Azzam’s quote is from Peter L. Bergen Holy War Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden 2001 p. 53. For Moulavi Chiragh Ali’s views on jihad see A Critical Exposition of the Popular Jihad 1976 Mahmud Shaltut’s views are discussed in Kate Zabiri Mahmud Shaltut and Islamic Modernism 1993. For more on Muhammad’s enemies among the Hanif of Medina see Uri Rubin “Hanafiyya and Ka‘ba” in Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 1990. In- cidentally Moshe Gil is almost alone in his conviction that the Constitution of Medina did not originally include the Jews see “The Constitution of Medina: A Reconsideration” in Israel Oriental Studies 1974 pp. 64–65. Otherwise there is

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280 Notes almost unanimous agreement among scholars that the document is authentic and that it included the Jews. For the traditions regarding the Banu Qurayza see M. J. Kister “The Massacre of the Banu Qurayza: A Reexamination of a Tradition” in Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 1986 and Hodgson 1974 p. 191. Kister puts the number at about four hundred. Ahmad estimates the number of Jews remaining in Medina to have been between 24000 and 28000. For the Jewish perspective see H. Graetz History of the Jews vol. 3 1894 Salo Wittmayer Baron A Social and Reli- gious History of the Jews vol. 3 1964 and Francesco Gabrieli Muhammad and the Conquests of Islam 1968: Gabrieli’s quote regarding Badr is on page 68. For Arab responses to the massacre of Banu Qurayza see Ahmad 1976 pp. 76–94 and W. N. Arafat “New Light on the Story of Banu Qurayza and the Jews of Medina” in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 1976. T or Andrae’s quote is from Mohammad: The Man and His Faith 1935 pp. 155–56. For more objective studies on the massacre see Karen Armstrong Muhammad 1993 and Norman A. Stillman The Jews of Arab Lands 1979. As the allies of the Qurayza some members of the Aws asked Muhammad for leniency. It was for this reason that he chose one of their number as Hakam. However after Sa‘d’s decision was made there were no objections from the Aws or from anyone else for that matter. The story of the mosque demolished by Umar in Damascus is recounted in J. L. Porter Five Y ears in Damascus: With Travels and Researches in Palmyra Lebanon the Giant Cities of Bashan and the Hauran 1855. Muhammad’s instructions to his armies are discussed in Ignaz Goldziher Introduction to Islamic Theology and Law pp. 33–36. Maria Menocal’s excellent book The Ornament of the World 2002 describes the culture of religious tolerance founded by the Umayyads in medieval Spain. S. D. Goiten provides a more academic perspective on Jews under Muslim rule in Jews and Arabs 1970 his quotation is from page 63. Muhammad’s quotation regarding the protection of Jews and Christians is taken from The Shorter Encyclopedia of Islam p. 17. Peters’s quote is from Muhammad p. 203 original italics Watt’s from Muhammad at Medina 1956 195. H. G. Reissener’s views on the Jews of Medina are best described in “The Ummi Prophet and the Banu Israil” in The Muslim World 1949 while D. S. Mar- goliouth’s views are discussed in his The Relations Between Arabs and Israelites Prior to the Rise of Islam 1924. For the Arabian Jews’ knowledge of the Bible see footnote 87 in S. W. Baron 1964 p. 261. Gordon Newby outlines the economic dominance of the Jewish clans in Yathrib in A History of the Jews in Arabia 1988 pp. 75–79 and 84–85. For a treatment of the relationship between Muhammad and the Jewish clans of Medina see Hannah Rahman’s excellent essay “The Conflicts Between the Prophet and the Opposition in Medina” in Der Islam 1985 also Moshe Gil “The Medinan Opposition to the Prophet” in Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 1987 as well as his “Origin of the Jews of Yathrib” in Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 1984. The issue of archeology and Jewish identity is examined by Jonathan L. Reed in his Archeology and the Galilean Jesus 2000. For a history of Ibn Sayyad see David J. Halperin “The Ibn Sayyad T raditions and the Legend of al-Dajjal” in Journal of the American Oriental Society 1976. Even though Ibn Sayyad may have accepted Muhammad’s prophetic mission Muham- mad seems to have denied Ibn Sayyad’s. In fact Halperin shows how later Islamic tradition transformed Ibn Sayyad into an Antichrist figure. For the connection between Jesus and Muhammad see Neal Robinson Christ in Islam and Christianity 1991.

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Notes 281 The break with the Jews and Christians is examined in M. J. Kister “Do Not Assimilate Y ourselves . . . ” in Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 1989. For more on Muhammad’s monotheistic pluralism see Mohammed Bamyeh The Social Ori- gins of Islam 1999 pp. 214–15. With the conquest of Persia the Zoroastrians who are given special mention in the Quran 22:17 and who have a “book” the Gathas which is older than both the Jewish and Christian texts eventually become included in the ahl al-Kitab. Who the Sabians were is difficult to say. Apparently some reli- gious groups including a few Christian and Hindu sects eagerly took on the Sabian identity during the Muslim conquests in order to be counted as People of the Book and thus be considered dhimmi. Nabia Abbot’s research on the early Muslim rela- tions with the Jews can be found in Studies in Arabic Literary Papyri vol. 2 1967. The practice of reading the T orah was according to Abbot characteristic of “the early Muslims’ preoccupation with non-Islamic thought and literature” especially the literature of the Peoples of the Book. 5. The Rightly Guided Ones The story of Muhammad’s death is derived from Ibn Hisham trans. Guillaume pp. 1012–13. Goldziher’s quote is from Introduction to Islamic Theology and Law p. 31–32 see also his Muslim Studies 1971. John Wansbrough’s theories can be found in the previously cited Quranic Studies: Sources and Methods of Scriptural Interpretation 1977 as well as The Sectarian Milieu: Content and Composition of Islamic Salvation History 1978. Sarjeant’s review of Wansbrough’s Quranic Studies and Cook and Crone’s Hagarism is from the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 1978. Dale F . Eick- elman provides a social anthropologist’s perspective on the “false prophets” in “Musaylima” Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient 1967. For more on the ahl al-bayt see M. Sharon “Ahl al-Bayt—People of the House” in Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 1986. It should be noted that Sharon considers the term ahl al-bayt to be a designation that was not formulated until the Umayyad period. While this may be true the sentiment behind the term that it gave the Banu Hashim a preeminent role in society was thoroughly understood even before Muhammad’s death. For the opposite view on the religious influence of the early Caliphate see Patricia Crone and Martin Hinds God’s Caliph: Religious Authority in the First Centuries of Islam 1986. By far the best analysis of the succession question is Wilferd Madelung’s The Succession to Muhammad 1997. To say that this chapter relies on Professor Madelung’s work would be an understatement. I also recommend Rafiq Zakaria’s The Struggle Within Islam 1988 Abu Bakr’s speech is from page 47. Zakaria also provides a valuable analysis of Umar’ s Caliphate on pages 48–53. See also M. A. Sha- ban’s Islamic History 1994 pp. 16–19 and Moojan Momen’s fabulous primer on Shi‘ism An Introduction to Shi‘i Islam 1985 pp. 9–22 Momen notes that Ibn Han- bal records ten different traditions in which Ali is referred to as Muhammad’s “Aaron” p. 325. Watt’s quote is from Muhammad: Prophet and Statesman p. 36. Umar’s physical description as well as his quote regarding kinghood is taken from the New Encyclopedia of Islam edited by Cyril Glasse p. 462. For the affair of the necklace see al-T abari pp. 1518–28. Though traditions claim that Umar was the first Caliph to use the title Amir al-Mu’manin there is evidence to suggest that this title was used by Abu Bakr as well. Noeldeke’s excellent essay on the Quran can be found in the Encyclopaedia Britannica 9th ed. vol. 16 1891 Caetani’s article “Uthman and the Recension of the Koran” is from The Muslim World 1915. For examples of variant readings of

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282 Notes the Quran that have survived see Arthur Jeffery “A Variant T ext of the Fatiha” in Muslim World 1939. Once again I am indebted in these pages to Wilferd Madelung’s analysis of Uthman’s assassination in The Succession to Muhammad espe- cially pages 78–140. There are many books on the life and Caliphate of Ali. Particularly helpful to this section was Momen’s An Introduction to Shi‘i Islam as well as S. Husain M. Jafri The Origins and Early Development of Shi‘a Islam 1979. See also Mohamad Jawad Chirri The Brother of the Prophet Mohammad 1982. For more on the doctrine and history of the Kharijites see Montgomery Watt The Formative Period of Islamic Thought pp. 9–37. Ali’s quote is from A Selection from “Nahjul Balagha” translated by Ali A. Behzadnia and Salwa Denny p. 7. Ali was not the first to be called Imam all four Caliphs shared that title though with Ali the title of Imam emphasizes his special relationship to the Prophet. Sir Thomas W. Arnold’s quote is from The Caliphate 1966 p. 10. For various views on the relationship between religion and politics in Islam see Abu-l Ala Mawlana Mawdudi’s Nationalism and India 1947 Abd ar-Raziq’s previously cited Islam and the Bases of Power Sayyid Qutb’s Social Justice in Islam 1953 and Ruhollah Khomeini’s Islamic Government 1979. 6. This Religion Is a Science There are numerous accounts of the inquisition of Ahmad ibn Hanbal before al- Mu’tasim most of which are compiled and brilliantly analyzed by Nimrod Hurvitz in The Formation of Hanbalism: Piety into Power 2002. For biographies of both Ibn Hanbal and al-Ma’mun see Michael Cooperson Classical Arabic Biography: The Heirs of the Prophets in the Age of al-Ma’mun 2000. I draw my physical description of Ibn Hanbal as well as the deathbed quote of al-Ma’mun from Cooperson’ s text. For more on the impact of the Inquisition see Jonathan Berkey 2003 pp. 124–29 and Richard Bulliet Islam: The View from the Edge 1994 p. 115–27. The issue is also treated quite well by Patricia Crone in her newest work God’s Rule: Government and Islam 2004. Malik ibn Anas is quoted in Mernissi p. 59. Wilfred Cantwell Smith’s description of Islamic orthodoxy is from his Islam in Modern History 1957 p. 20. For general treatments of the Five Pillars see Mohamed A. Abu Ridah “Monotheism in Islam: Interpretations and Social Mani- festations” in The Concept of Monotheism in Islam and Christianity edited by Hans Kochler 1982 and John Renard Seven Doors to Islam 1996. There is evidence apart from the apocryphal story of Muhammad’s ascension to heaven when he negotiates the number of salats down from fifty to five that the early tradition prescribed only three salats a day. The Quran says “Hold the salat at the two ends of the day as well as at the ends of the night” 11:114. Eventually two more salats must have been added though no one is certain why or when. Ibn Jubayr’s quote about Mecca and the Hajj is taken from his Voyages 1949–51. Mal- colm X’s quote is from The Autobiography of Malcolm X 1965. Al-Ghazali’s The Ninety-nine Beautiful Names of God has been translated into English by David B. Burrell and Nazih Daher 1970 while his Revival of the Reli- gious Sciences has been translated into English by Nabih Amin Faris as The Founda- tions of the Articles of Faith 1963. Ali Shariati’s reflections on tawhid can be found in his On the Sociology of Islam 1979. The debate between the T raditionalists and the Rationalists is wonderfully illu- minated in Binyamin Abrahamov’s Islamic Theology: Traditionalism and Rationalism 1998. I also recommend the essays in Religious Schools and Sects in Medieval Islam

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Notes 283 edited by Wilferd Madelung 1985 as well as Montgomery Watt’s previously cited The Formative Period of Islamic Thought. The beliefs of the Mu‘tazilah are discussed in detail by Richard S. Martin Mark R. Woodward and Dwi S. Atmaja in Defenders of Reason in Islam 1997 while the Ash‘arite position is laid out in Richard McCarthy The Theology of the Ash‘ari 1953. Al-T ahawi’ s quote as well as the creeds of Abu Hanifah Ibn Hanbal and al-Ash‘ari are all taken from Montgomery Watt’s invaluable compilation Islamic Creeds: A Selection 1994. See also George F. Hourani Islamic Rationalism: The Ethics of Abd al-Jabbar 1971. Excellent translations of Ibn Rushd include his commentary on Aristotle’s Metaphysics translated by Charles Genequand 1984 The Epistle on the Possibility of Conjunction with the Active Intellect translated by Kalman P . Bland 1982 and Aver- roes’ Three Short Commentaries on Aristotle’s “Topics” “Rhetoric” and “Poetics” trans- lated by Charles E. Butterworth 1977. It is important to note that the two-truth theory is a misnomer because according to Ibn Rushd philosophical truth is the only truth. For Ibn Sina see his biography The Life of Ibn Sina translated by Wil- liam E. Gohlman 1974 and his Treatise on Logic translated by Farhang Zabeeh 1971. For more on oral peoples see Denise Lardner Carmody and John Tully Car- mody Original Visions: The Religions of Oral Peoples 1993. For the role of poets and poetry in the cult of the Ka‘ba see Michael Sells Desert Tracings: Six Classical Ara- bian Odes 1989. Mohammed Bamyeh presents a wonderful discussion of the field of miracle in his chapter titled “The Discourse and the Path” in The Social Origins of Islam pp. 115–40. My argument is completely indebted to his. See also Cragg The Event of the Qur’an p. 67. Daya’s quote is from Annemarie Schimmel And Muham- mad Is His Messenger 1985 p. 67. As will become apparent there are some Muslims whose devotionalism has led to a number of apocryphal stories about the miraculous acts of Muhammad and his Companions. However orthodox Islam flatly rejects these stories considering Muhammad to be just an empty vessel through which the Quran was revealed— someone who should be emulated but not worshipped like Christ. Incidentally al- T abari narrates a particularly strange account of Muhammad snapping his fingers to uproot a date tree and transport it to himself p. 1146. But this story like similar ones about Ali raising people from the dead or walking on water were primarily apologetic in nature and meant to silence those critics who were accustomed to prophets doing tricks to prove their divine mission. For a more comprehensive examination of the debate over the created Quran I suggest Harry Austryn Wolfson The Philosophy of Kalam especially pages 235–78. My quotations of Ibn Hazm and Ibn Kullab are from Wolfson’s text. For more on the role and function of baraka in Islamic calligraphy see Seyyed Hossein Nasr Islamic Art and Spirituality 1987. For general comments on baraka in the Quran see the first chapter of John Renard Seven Doors to Islam 1996. William Graham’s insightful article “Qur’an as Spoken Word” can be found in Approaches to Islam in Religious Studies edited by Richard C. Martin 2001. There are two kinds of Quranic recitation: tajwid embellished and tartil measured. The latter is less musical and used primarily for worship. See Lois Ibsen al-Faruqi “The Cantillation of the Qur’an” in Asian Music 1987 and Kristina Nelson “Reciter and Listener: Some Factors Shaping the Mujawwad Style of Qur’anic Reciting” in Ethnomusicol- ogy 1987. There are six collections of hadith that are considered canonical: al-Bukhari’s al-Hajjaj’s as-Sijistani’s d. 875 al-Tirmidhi’s d. 915 al-Nasa’i’s d. 915 and Ibn

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284 Notes Maja’s d. 886. Added to this list is the Shi‘ite compilation of Malik Ibn Anas d. 795 which was the first such collection to be written down. See Joseph Schacht Origins of Muhammadan Jurisprudence 1950 and An Introduction to Islamic Law 1964. Schacht’s quote is from “A Revaluation of Islamic T raditions” in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 1949. See also Jonathan Berkey The Formation of Islam pp. 141–51. The Pakistani scholar is Abdul Qadir Oudah Shaheed and his quote is from Criminal Law of Islam 1987 p. 13. Mahmoud Taha’s views on the Quran can be found in The Second Message of Islam 1996 see also Abdullahi an-Na’im T oward an Islamic Reformation 1996. For Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd see his brief article “Divine Attributes in the Qur’an: Some Poetic Aspects” in Islam and Modernity edited by John Cooper et al. 1998. Al- Ghazali’s quote is from Zakaria’s Appendix 1 page 303. For more on naskh see Ahmad Von Denffer Ulum al-Qur’an: An Introduction to the Sciences of the Qur’an 1983. There are scholars who reject the concept of naskh altogether see Ahmad Hasan The Early Development of Islamic Jurisprudence 1970 pp. 70–79. However even Hasan recognizes the importance of historical context in interpreting the Quran. 7. In the Footsteps of Martyrs My narrative of Karbala relies on Syed-Mohsen Naquvi The Tragedy of Karbala 1992 and Lewis Pelly The Miracle Play of Hasan and Husain 2 vols. 1879. For the development and function of the Muharram ceremonies in Shi‘ism see Heinz Halm Shi‘a Islam: From Religion to Revolution 1997 Halm’s quote is from page 41. See also the sociological works on the subject done by Vernon Schubel Religious Performance in Contemporary Islam 1993 and David Pinault The Shi‘ites 1992 from which the two testimonials are taken pp. 103–106. I also recommend Pin- ault’s The Horse of Karbala 2001. Ehsan Yarshater traces the origins of lamentation rituals in “T a‘ziyeh and Pre-Islamic Mourning Rites” in T a‘ziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran edited by Peter Chelowski 1979. There are a few superb introductory texts on Shi‘ism including the previously cited Moojan Momen An Introduction to Shi‘i Islam 1985 and S. Husain M. Jafri The Origins and Early Development of Shi‘a Islam 1979. An English translation of Tabataba‘i’s work Shi‘ite Islam by Seyyed Hossein Nasr 1977 is available. For Shi‘ite conceptions of Shariah see Hossein Modarressi An Introduction to Shi‘i Law 1984. The concept of the “pre-existent Imam” is discussed in great detail in Mohammad Ali Amir-Moezzi The Divine Guide in Early Shi‘ism 1994. For the Shi‘ite view of the Quran see T abataba‘i The Qur’an in Islam 1987. Ja‘far as-Sadiq’s exegesis of the Verse of Light is taken from Helmut Gatje The Qur’an and Its Exege- sis 1976. However very few books deal adequately with the origins and evolution of the Mahdi in Islam. The books most useful to this study include Jassim M. Hussain The Occultation of the Twelfth Imam 1982 and Abdulaziz Abdulhussein Sachedina Islamic Messianism 1981. Sachedina also deals with the role of the Imam’s deputies in The Just Ruler in Shi‘ite Islam 1988. Ibn Khaldun’s seminal history The Muqaddimah is available in complete and abridged English translations by the eminent Islamist Franz Rosenthal. Those interested in an in-depth look at the machinations of the clerical establishment in Iran should see Roy Mottahedeh’s marvelous book The Mantle of the Prophet 1985. There are too many general histories of the Iranian revolution to list though I rec-

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Notes 285 ommend Said Amir Arjomand’s The Turban for the Crown 1988 and the recently released book by Charles Kurzman The Unthinkable Revolution in Iran 2004. For a more contemporary perspective see Dariush Zaheri The Iranian Revolution: Then and Now 2000. Sandra Mackey provides a delightful and readable account of Iran- ian history in The Iranians 1996. For more on Khomeinism see Ervand Abrahamian Khomeinism: Essays on the Islamic Republic 1993. For translations of Khomeini’s writings into English see Islamic Government 1979 Islam and Revolution 1981 and A Clarification of Ques- tions 1984. Khomeini’ s reinterpretation of Shi‘ism is severely criticized by Moham- mad Manzoor Nomani in Khomeini Iranian Revolution and the Shi‘ite Faith 1988. Khomeini’s poem is from Baqer Moin’s biography titled Khomeini: Life of the Ayatol- lah 1999. 8. Stain Your Prayer Rug with Wine There are a number of exquisite English translations of Nizami’s The Legend of Layla and Majnun including Colin T urner’s 1970 R. Gelpke’s 1966 and James Atkin- son’s lovely verse rendition 1968. Mine is a loose combination of the three along with my own translation of the Persian text. See also the critical analysis of the poem by Ali Asghar Seyed-Gohrab Layli and Majnun: Love Madness and Mystic Longing in Nizami’s Epic Romance 2003. For a discussion of the early development of Sufism I suggest Shaykh Fadhlalla Haeri The Elements of Sufism 1990 and Julian Baldick Mystical Islam 1989. Baldick provides a useful analysis of the various religious and cultural influences on Sufism and also explores the meanings of the term. R. A. Nicholson’s texts include The Mystics of Islam 1914 and Studies in Islamic Mysticism 1921. T wo of Idris Shah’s many invaluable texts on Sufism are The Sufis 1964 and The Way of the Sufi 1969. See also Martin Lings What Is Sufism 1993 Inayat Khan The Unity of Religious Ideals 1929 Ian Richard Netton Sufi Ritual 2000 Nasrollah Pourjavady and Peter Wilson Kings of Love 1978 J. Spencer Triming- ham The Sufi Orders in Islam 1971 Carl Ernst Teachings of Sufism 1999 and Titus Burckhardt An Introduction to Sufi Doctrine 1976. For the teachings of Shaykh Muhammad al-Jamal ar-Rafa’i ash-Shadhili see his Music of the Soul 1994. The historical and theological relationship between Shi‘ism and Sufism is outlined in Kamil M. al-Shaibi Sufism and Shi‘ism 1991. Finally there exists a helpful though not easily digested series of Sufi Essays by Seyyed Hossein Nasr 1972. Al-Ghazali’s The Alchemy of Happiness is translated by Claud Field 1980 while The Niche of Lights is translated by David Buchman 1998. For more on al-Ghazali’s philosophy see Montgomery Watt The Faith and Practice of al-Ghazali 1953. Al- Hujwiri’s The Revelation of the Mystery is translated by Reynold Nicholson 1911. Without question the best translation of Farid ad-Din Attar’s The Conference of the Birds is by Afkham Darbandi and Dick Davis 1984. The Persian scholar and Sufi Javad Nurbakhsh delves into the relationship between teacher and taught in his short tract Master and Disciple in Sufism 1977. On the stations along the Way see Shaykh Abd al-Khaliq al-Shabrawi The Degrees of the Soul 1997 and Abu’l Qasim al-Qushayri Sufi Book of Spiritual Ascent translated by Rabia Harris 1997. Al-Hallaj’s Kitab al-Tawasin is available only in a French translation by the great scholar of Sufism Louis Massignon 1913. Massignon’s Essay on the Origins of the Technical Language of Islamic Mysticism 1997 is a helpful tool for those students already familiar with the rudiments of Sufism.

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286 Notes The concept of monism in Sufism is discussed at length by Molana Salaheddin Ali Nader Shah Angha in The Fragrance of Sufism 1996. Ibn al-Arabi’s Fusus al- Hikam is available in English as The Wisdom of the Prophets 1975. For more on Rabia and other Sufi women see Camille Adams Helminski Women of Sufism 2003 and Margaret Smith Rabi’a the Mystic and Her Fellow-Saints in Islam 1928. Rabia’s poems are nicely collected and translated by Charles Upton in Doorkeeper of the Heart: V ersions of Rabi’a 1988. The best translations of Rumi include Colman Barks The Essential Rumi 1995 and the two-volume Mystical Poems of Rumi translated by A. J. Arberry 1968 see also Reynold Nicholson’s Rumi: Poet and Mystic 1950. For more on Rumi’s life see Annemarie Schimmel I Am Wind You Are Fire: The Life and Works of Rumi 1992. For Hafiz see Nahid Angha Selections 1991 and Ecstasy 1998. Gen- eral treatises on Sufi poetry include Ali Asani and Kamal Abdel-Malek Celebrating Muhammad 1995 and J.T .P . de Bruijn Persian Sufi Poetry 1997. With regard to Sufism in India I suggest Muhammad Mujeeb Indian Muslims 1967 and Carl W. Ernst Eternal Garden: Mysticism History and Politics at a South Asian Sufi Center 1992. See also Bruce Lawrence “The Early Chisti Approach to Sama‘” in Islamic Societies and Culture: Essays in Honor of Professor Aziz Ahmad edited by Milton Israel and N. K. Wagle 1983. Iqbal’s quote is from Ali Shariati’s commentary Iqbal: Manifestations of the Islamic Spirit 1991. See also Muhammad Iqbal The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam 1960. 9. An Awakening in the East Frederick Cooper’s description of the execution of the 26th N.I. infantry is excerpted in Edward J. Thompson The Other Side of the Medal 1925 though for historical context and literary enhancement I have had to add a little bit to Cooper’s account and rearrange the order of his narrative. T revelyan’s comment to the House of Commons is quoted in Thomas R. Metcalf The Aftermath of Revolt 1964 see also C. E. T revelyan On the Education of the People of India 1838. Benjamin Disraeli and Alexander Duff are both quoted in Ainslee T . Embree’s collection 1857 in India 1963. Bahadur Shah’s appeal to the Indian people is from the Azimgarh Proclama- tion printed in Charles Ball The History of the Indian Mutiny 1860. For firsthand accounts of the British response to the Indian Revolt see C. G. Griffiths Siege of Delhi 1912 and W. H. Russell My Indian Diary 1957. Cecil Rhodes’s description and quote are from The Columbia Encyclopedia 6th ed. 2001. For Sir Sayyid Ahmed Khan’s writings and views see his The Causes of the Indian Revolt 1873 and his “Lecture on Islam” excerpted in Christian W. Troll Sayyid Ahmed Khan: A Reinterpretation of Muslim Theology 1978. For more on the Aligarth see The Aligarth Movement: Basic Documents 1864–1898 collected by Shan Muham- mad 1978. Moulavi Chiragh Ali’s quote is from The Proposed Political Legal and Social Reforms in the Ottoman Empire and Other Mohammadan States 1883. For more on Abu-l Ala Mawlana Mawdudi see Nationalism and Islam 1947 and The Islamic Movement 1984. For texts on colonialism in Egypt see Joel Gordon Nasser’s Blessed Movement 1992 Juan R. I. Cole Colonialism and Revolution in the Middle East 1993 and William Welch No Country for a Gentleman 1988. Al-Afghani’s life and works are analyzed in Nikki R. Keddie Sayyid Jamal al-Din “al-Afghani”: A Political Biography 1972 M. A. Zaki Badawi The Reformers of Egypt 1979 and Charles C. Adams

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Notes 287 Islam and Modernism in Egypt 1933. For Muhammad Abdu see Osman Amin Muhammad ‘Abduh 1953 and Malcolm H. Kerr Islamic Reform: The Political and Legal Theories of Muhammad ‘Abduh and Rashid Rida 1966. For Hasan al-Banna I suggest his Memoirs of Hasan al-Banna Shaheed 1981 as well as Richard P . Mitchell Society of the Muslim Brothers 1969 and Pioneers of Islamic Revival edited by Ali Rah- nema 1995. Good texts on Pan-Arabism include Sylvia G. Haim’ s collection Arab National- ism 1962 Nissim Rejwan Arabs Face the Modern World 1998 Abd al-Rahman al- Bazzaz Islam and Nationalism 1952 Michael Doran Pan-Arabism Before Nasser 1999 and T aha Husayn The Future of Culture in Egypt 1954. For Sayyid Qutb see his masterpiece Milestones 1993 and his Social Justice in Islam translated by William Shepard as Sayyid Qutb and Islamic Activism 1996. See also Jalal-e Ahmad Gharbzadeghi 1997. Saudi Arabia’s history is recounted in Madawi al-Rasheed A History of Saudi Arabia 2003. For Wahhabism I suggest Hamid Algar’s short introduction Wah- habism: A Critical Essay 2002. It should be noted that Wahhabis prefer to call them- selves ahl al-tawhid or al-Muwahhidun. There are few better general introductions to the history of political Islam than Gilles Kepel’s Jihad: The Trail of Political Islam 2002 and The War for Muslim Minds 2004. See also Anthony Shadid The Legacy of the Prophet 2002. Osama bin Laden’ s quote is from an interview he gave to ABC reporter John Miller in May 1998. 10. Slouching Toward Medina There were two draft constitutions after the revolution in 1979. The first draft which did not give the clerics an important role in the government was ironically rejected by Iran’s leftist parties. The second draft completed in November by a seventy-three-member Assembly of Experts revamped the original documents to establish clerical domination of the state. The activities of the CDC and the American Type Culture Collection before and during the Iran-Iraq war have been documented by recently declassified gov- ernment papers. See “Report: U.S. Supplied the Kinds of Germs Iraq Later Used for Biological Weapons” in USA T oday September 30 2002. For more on the T aliban see Ahmed Rashid The T aliban 2000. Harvey Cox’s The Secular City 1966 is essential reading for all students of religion and politics see also Will Herberg Protestant Catholic Jew 1955. Abdulaziz Sachedina’s The Islamic Roots of Democratic Pluralism 2001 is an excellent discussion of Islamic pluralism. While there are few books by Abdolkarim Soroush in English a collection of his essential writings has been compiled and translated by Mahmoud and Ahmad Sadri under the title Reason Freedom and Democracy in Islam: Essential Writings of Abdolkarim Soroush 2002. The quotation is from his acceptance speech for the “Muslim Democrat of the Year” award given by the Center for the Study of Islam and Democracy in Washington D.C. in 2004.

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�� Works Consulted Books Abbott Nabia. Studies in Arabic Literary Papyri. Chicago 1957-1972. Abd al-Rahman al-Bazzaz. Islam and Nationalism. Baghdad 1952. Abedi Mehdi and Gary Legenhausen eds. Jihad and Shahadat. Houston 1986. Abrahamian Ervand. Khomeinism: Essays on the Islamic Republic. Berkeley 1993. Abrahamov Binyamin. Islamic Theology: Traditionalism and Rationalism. Edinburgh 1998. Adams Charles C. Islam and Modernism in Egypt. London 1933. Ahmad Barakat. Muhammad and the Jews: A Re-Examination. New Delhi 1979. Ahmad Jalal-e. Gharbzadeghi. California 1997. Ahmed Leila. Women and Gender in Islam. New Haven 1992. Ahmed Rashid. The T aliban. New Haven 2000. al-Banna Hasan. Memoirs of Hasan al-Banna Shaheed. Karachi 1981. Algar Hamid. Wahhabism: A Critical Essay. New Y ork 2002. al-Ghazali. The Alchemy of Happiness. London 1980. ———. The Foundations of the Articles of Faith. Lahore 1963. ———. The Niche of Lights. Utah 1998. ———. The Ninety-nine Beautiful Names of God. Nigeria 1970. al-Rasheed Madawi. A History of Saudi Arabia. Cambridge 2003. al-Shaibi Kamil M. Sufism and Shi‘ism. Great Britain 1991. al-Tabari Abu Ja‘far Muhammad. The History of al-Tabari ed. Ihsan Abbas et al. New Y ork 1988. Amin Osman. Muhammad ‘Abduh. Washington D.C. 1953. Andrae T or. Mohammed: The Man and His Faith. New Y ork. 1960 Angha Molana Salaheddin Ali Nader Shah. The Fragrance of Sufism. Lanham 1996. Angha Nahid. Ecstasy. California 1998. ———. Selections. California 1991. An-Na’im Abdullahi. T oward an Islamic Reformation. Syracuse 1990. Arjomand Said Amir. The T urban for the Crown. New Y ork 1988. Armstrong Karen. Muhammad. San Francisco 1992.

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290 Works Consulted Asani Ali and Kamal Abdel-Malek. Celebrating Muhammad. South Carolina 1995. Ash-Shabrawi Abd al-Khaliq. The Degrees of the Soul. London 1997. Attar Farid ad-Din. The Conference of the Birds. New Y ork 1984. Badawi M. A. Zaki. The Reformers of Eg ypt. London 1979. Baldick Julian. Mystical Islam. New Y ork 1989. Ball Charles. The History of the Indian Mutiny. London 1860. Bamyeh Mohammed A. The Social Origins of Islam. Minneapolis 1999. Baqer Moin. Khomeini: Life of the Ayatollah. New Y ork 1999. Barks Colman. The Essential Rumi. San Francisco 1995. Baron Salo Wittmayer. A Social and Religious History of the Jews 3 vols.. New Y ork 1964. Bell Richard. The Origin of Islam in Its Christian Environment. London1968. Bergen Peter L. Holy War Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden. New York. 2001. Berkey Jonathan P . The Formation of Islam. Cambridge 2003. Black Anthony. The History of Islamic Political Thought. New Y ork 2001. Boyce Mary. History of Zoroastrianism 3 vols.. Leiden 1996. ———. Zoroastrians Their Religious Beliefs and Practices. New Y ork 2001. Bulliet Richard. The Camel and the Wheel. Cambridge 1975. ——— Islam: The View from the Edge. New Y ork 1994. Burckhardt Titus. An Introduction to Sufi Doctrine. Wellingsborough 1976. Chelowski Peter. T a‘ziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran. New Y ork 1979. Cole Juan R. I. Colonialism and Revolution in the Middle East. Princeton 1993. Cooper John et al. eds. Islam and Modernity. London 1998. Cooperson Michael. Classical Arabic Biography. Cambridge 2000. Cox Harvey. The Secular City. New Y ork 1966. Cragg Kenneth. The Event of the Qur’an. Oxford 1971. ———. Readings in the Qur’an. London 1988. ———. God’s Rule: Government and Islam. New Y ork 2004. Crone Patricia. Meccan Trade and the Rise of Islam. New Jersey 1987. ——— and M. A. Cook. Hagarism: The Making of the Islamic World. Cambridge 1977. ——— and Martin Hinds. God’s Caliph: Religious Authority in the First Centuries of Islam. Cambridge 1986. Dajani-Shakeel Hadia and Ronald A. Messier eds. The Jihad and Its Times. Ann Arbor 1991. de Bruijn J.T .P . Persian Sufi Poetry. Surrey 1997. de T ocqueville Alexis. Democracy in America. New Y ork 1969. Donohue John J. and John L. Esposito eds. Islam in Transition. New Y ork 1982. Doran Michael. Pan-Arabism Before Nasser. Oxford 1999. Eliade Mircea. The Myth of the Eternal Return. Princeton 1954. ———. The Sacred and the Profane. San Diego1959. Embree Ainslee. 1857 in India. Boston 1963. Ernst Carl. Eternal Garden: Mysticism History and Politics at a South Asian Sufi Center. New Y ork 1992. ———. T eachings of Sufism. Boston 1999. Esposito John L. and John O. Voll. Makers of Contemporary Islam. New Y ork 2001. Gabrieli Francesco. Muhammad and the Conquests of Islam. New Y ork 1968. Gatje Helmut. The Qur’an and Its Exegesis. Berkeley 1976. Gelpke R. Layla and Majnun. London 1966. Gibb H.A.R. Mohammedanism. London 1970. Goiten S. D. Jews and Arabs. New Y ork 1970. Goldziher Ignaz. Introduction to Islamic Theology and Law. Princeton 1981. ———. Muslim Studies 2 vols.. Albany 1977.

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Works Consulted 291 Graetz Heinrich. History of the Jews 3 vols.. Philadelphia 1894. Griffiths C. G. Siege of Delhi. London 1912. Haeri Shaykh Fadhlalla. The Elements of Sufism. Great Britain 1990. Haim Sylvia G. ed. Arab Nationalism. Berkeley 1962. Halm Heinz. Shi‘a Islam: From Religion to Revolution. Princeton 1997. Helminski Camille Adams. Women of Sufism. Boston 2003. Herberg Will. Protestant Catholic Jew. New Y ork 1955. Hodgson Marshall G. S. The V enture of Islam. Chicago 1974. Hourani George. Islamic Rationalism. Oxford 1971. Hoyland Robert G. Arabia and the Arabs. New Y ork 2001. Hurvitz Nimrod. The Formation of Hanbalism: Piety into Power. London 2002. Ibn Batuta. The Travels of Ibn Batuta. Cambridge 1958. Ibn Hisham. The Life of Muhammad. Oxford 1955. Ibn Rushd. Commentary on Aristotle’s Metaphysics. Leiden 1984. ————. The Epistle on the Possibility of Conjunction with the Active Intellect. New York 1982. ————. Three Short Commentaries on Aristotle’s “Topics” “Rhetoric” and “Poetics.” Albany 1977. Ibn Sina. The Life of Ibn Sina. Albany 1974. ———. Treatise on Logic. The Hague 1971. Israel Milton and N. K. Wagle eds. Islamic Societies and Culture: Essays in Honor of Profes- sor Aziz Ahmad. New Delhi 1983. Jafri S. Husain M. Origins and Early Development of Shi‘a Islam. London 1978. Juynboll G.H.A. ed. Studies on the First Century of Islamic Studies. Carbondale and Edwardsville Ill. 1982. Keddie Nikki R. Sayyid Jamal al-Din “al-Afghani”: A Political Biography. Berkeley 1972. Kelsay John. Islam and War. Kentucky 1993. Kepel Gilles. Jihad: The Trail of Political Islam. Cambridge 2002. ———. The War for Muslim Minds: Islam and the West. Cambridge 2004. Kerr Malcolm H. Islamic Reform: The Political and Legal Theories of Muhammad ‘Abduh and Rashid Rida. Berkeley 1966. Khan Inayat. The Unity of Religious Ideals. London 1929. Khan Sayyid Ahmed. The Causes of the Indian Revolt. Benares 1873. Khomeini Ruhollah. A Clarification of Questions. Boulder 1984. ———. Islam and Revolution. Berkeley 1981. ———. Islamic Government. New Y ork 1979. Kochler Hans. The Concept of Monotheism in Islam and Christianity. Austria 1982. Lammens Henri. Islam: Beliefs and Institutions. London 1968. Lecker Michael. Muslims Jews and Pagans: Studies on Early Islamic Medina. Leiden 1995. Lings Martin. What Is Sufism Cambridge 1993. Mackey Sandra. The Iranians. New Y ork 1996. Madelung Wilferd. Religious Schools and Sects in Medieval Islam. London 1985. ———. The Succession to Muhammad. Cambridge 1997. Margoliouth D. S. The Relations Between Arabs and Israelites Prior to the Rise of Islam. Lon- don 1924. Martin Richard. Approaches to Islam in Religious Studies. Oxford 2001. Martin Richard et al. Defenders of Reason in Islam. Oxford 1997. Massignon Louis. Essay on the Origins of the Technical Language of Islamic Mysticism. Bloomington Ind. 1997. Mawdudi Abu-l Ala Mawlana. Nationalism and India. Lahore 1947. ———. The Islamic Movement. London 1984. McCarthy Richard. The Theology of the Ash‘ari. Beirut 1953.

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292 Works Consulted Mehr Farhang. The Zoroastrian Tradition. Amherst Mass. 1991. Menocal Maria Rosa. Ornament of the World. New Y ork 2002. Mernissi Fatima. The V eil and the Male Elite. Cambridge 1991. Metcalf Thomas. The Aftermath of Revolt. Princeton 1964. Mitchell Richard P . Society of the Muslim Brothers. New Y ork 1969. Momen Moojan. An Introduction to Shi‘i Islam. New Haven 1985. Mottahadeh Roy. The Mantle of the Prophet. New Y ork 1985. Naquvi M. A. The Tragedy of Karbala. Princeton 1992. Nasr Seyyed Hossein. Islamic Art and Spirituality. New Y ork 1987. ———. Sufi Essays. London 1972. Netton Ian Richard. Sufi Ritual. Surrey 2000. Newby Gordon Darnell. A History of the Jews of Arabia. South Carolina 1988. Nicholson R. A. The Mystics of Islam. London 1914. ———. Studies in Islamic Mysticism. Cambridge 1921. Nicholson Reynolds. Rumi: Poet and Mystic. London 1978. Nurbakhsh Javad. Master and Disciple in Sufism. T ehran 1977. Peters F . E. Mecca: A Literary History of the Muslim Holy Land. New Jersey 1994. ———. Muhammad and the Origins of Islam. New Y ork 1994. ———. The Hajj. New Jersey 1994. Peters Rudolph. Islam and Colonialism: The Doctrine of Jihad in Modern History. The Hague 1979. ———. Jihad in Classical and Modern Islam. Princeton1996. Pinault David. The Horse of Karbala. New Y ork 2001. ———. The Shiites. New Y ork 1992. Pourjavady Nasrollah and Peter Wilson. Kings of Love. T ehran 1978. Qutb Sayyid. Milestones. Indianapolis 1993. ———. Social Justice in Islam. Leiden 1953. Rahnema Ali ed. Pioneers of Islamic Revival. London 1995. Rashid Ahmed. The T aliban. New Haven 2000. Rejwan Nissim. Arabs Face the Modern World. Florida 1998. Renard John. Seven Doors to Islam. Berkeley 1996. Robinson Neal. Christ in Islam and Christianity. London 1991. Rodinson Maxime. Mohammad. New Y ork 1971. Rumi Jalal al-Din. Mystical Poems of Rumi 2 vols.. Chicago 1968. ———. Rumi: Poet and Mystic. London 1950. Russell W. H. My Indian Diary. London 1957. Sachedina Abdulaziz Abdulhussein. Islamic Messianism. Albany 1981. ———. The Islamic Roots of Democratic Pluralism. Oxford 2001. ———. The Just Ruler in Shi‘ite Islam. New Y ork 1988. Schacht Joseph. An Introduction to Islamic Law. Oxford 1998. ———. Origins of Muhammadan Jurisprudence. Oxford 1950. Schimmel Annemarie. And Muhammad Is His Messenger. Chapel Hill N.C. 1985. ———. I Am Wind Y ou Are Fire: The Life and Works of Rumi. Boston 1992. Schubel Vernon. Religious Performance in Contemporary Islam. Columbia 1993. Schwartz Martin. Studies on Islam. New Y ork 1981. Sells Michael. Desert Tracings: Six Classical Arabian Odes. Connecticut 1989. Shaban M. A. Islamic History: A New Interpretation. Cambridge 1994. Shah Idris. The Sufis. New Y ork 1964. ———. The Way of the Sufi. New Y ork 1969. Shariati Ali. Fatima Is Fatima. T ehran 1971. ———. Iqbal: Manifestations of the Islamic Spirit. New Mexico 1991. Smith Margaret. Rabi’a the Mystic and Her Fellow-Saints in Islam. Cambridge 1928.

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294 Works Consulted ———. “Origin of the Jews of Yathrib” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 4 1984 203–24. Guillaume Alfred. “New Light on the Life of Muhammad” Journal of Semitic Studies 1960 27–59. Halperin David. “The Ibn Sayyad T raditions and the Legend of al-Dajjal” Journal of the American Oriental Society 96 1976 213–25. Hawting G. R. “We Were Not Ordered with Entering It but Only with Circumambu- lating It: Hadith and Fiqh on Entering the Kaaba” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 47 1984 228–42. Huntington Samuel. “The Clash of Civilizations” Foreign Affairs 72:3 Summer 1993 22–49. Kister M. J. “al-T ahannuth: An Inquiry into the Meaning of a T erm” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 30 1968 223–36. ———. “ ‘A Bag of Meat:’ A Study of an Early Hadith” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 31 1968 267–75. ———. “Do Not Assimilate Yourselves ...” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 12 1989 321–71. ———. “The Market of the Prophet” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Ori- ent 8 1965 272–76. ———. “The Massacre of the Banu Qurayza: A Reexamination of a T radition” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 8 1986 61–96. Nelson Kristina. “Reciter and Listener: Some Factors Shaping the Mujawwad Style of Qur’anic Reciting” Ethnomusicology Spring/Summer 1987 41–47. Rahman Hannah. “The Conflicts Between the Prophet and the Opposition in Medina” Der Islam 62 1985 260–97. Reissener H. G. “The Ummi Prophet and the Banu Israil” The Muslim World 39 1949. Rubin Uri. “Hanafiyya and Ka‘ba: An Enquiry into the Arabian Pre-Islamic Background of din Ibrahim” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 13 1990 85–112. ———. “The Ka‘ba: Aspects of Its Ritual Function and Position in Pre-Islamic and Early Times” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 8 1986 97–131. Select Dictionaries and Encyclopedias A Dictionary of Buddhism. Damien Keown ed. Oxford 2003. The Encyclopedia of Gods. Michael Jordan ed. Great Britain 1992. The Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture. J. P . Mallory and D. Q. Adams eds. New Y ork 1997. The Encyclopedia of Islam 11 vols.. H.A.R. Gibb et al. eds. Leiden 1986. The Encyclopedia of Religion 16 vols.. Mircea Eliade et al. eds. New Y ork 1987. The Encyclopedia of World Mythology and Legend. Anthony S. Mercatante ed. New York 1988. The Encyclopedia of World Religions. Wendy Doniger ed. Springfield Mass. 1999. The New Encyclopedia of Islam. Cyril Glasse ed. Walnut Creek Calif. 2002. The Oxford Dictionary of World Religions. John Bowker ed. Oxford 1997. The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern Islamic World. John L. Esposito ed. Oxford 1995.

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Index Aaron 9 117 182 Abassid Dynasty/Empire 136–37 140–43 186 205. See also specific caliph Abbott Nabia 101 Abd al-Aziz ibn Saud 243 244–45 247 Abd al-Jabbar Ahmad 153 Abd al-Malik 178 Abd al-Muttalib Abbas ibn 19 22 Abd al-Rahman al-Bazzaz 124 125 137 234 Abd al-Rahman III 95 Abd al-Wahhab Muhammad ibn 241 242 243 Abd ar-Raziq Ali 53 138 Abd Manaf clan 116 Abd Sham clan 116 125 Abdallah Muhammad’s father 19 Abdu Muhammad 231–33 235 242 258 Abraham: Arabs as descendants of 10 and Hanifism 14 16 22 influence on Muhammad of 17 44 Islam as con- nected to 88 and Ka‘ba 4 9 14 106 Karbala revealed to 179 and Muham- mad’s views about Jews and Christians 102 103 104 106 as prophet 34 182 reverence for 10 and Shi‘ites 179 successors to 117 T orah revealed by 35 wives of 64 Abrahamov Binyamin 153 Abu Amir ar-Rahib 14 Abu Bakr: and Ali 119–22 and Ali-Aisha conflict 131 death of 121–22 and disinheritance of Ali and Fatima 119–20 and Medinan ideal 258 and Muhammad’s death 108–9 as Mu- hammad’s follower 41–42 and Muhammad’s marriages 64 and Muhammad’s pilgrimage to Mecca 105 and Muhammad’s withdrawal from Mecca 48 49 and nature and function of Caliphate 133 and Quran 126 and Quraysh-Muhammad con- flict 48 49 88 105 and Riddah Wars 134 as successor to Muhammad 112–13 114–15 117 118–22 124 125 126 and successors to Muham- mad 107 128 129 130 133 and Sufism 217 Umar as successor to 121–22 124 and Yathrib migration 51 Abu Bakra 68–69 Abu Dujanah 78 Abu Gakr 128 Abu Hanifah 155 158 165–66 Abu Lahab 47 Abu Qais ibn al-Aslat 14 Abu Ridah Mohamed A. 145 Abu Said al-Khudri 69 Abu Sufyan 76 78 90 106 124 134 Abu T alib 20 32 41 45 47–48 Abu Ubayda 112 Abu Zayd Nasr Hamid 169

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296 Index Abyssinia 18 28–29 48 Adam first man 4 9 35 99 113 149 179 208 213 adultery 71 Afghanistan 53 63 72 137 166 170 219 259–60 Ahmad Barakat 92–93 Ahmad Jalal-e 238 251 Ahmad Karima bint 70 Ahmed Khan Sayyid 85–86 225–27 230 Ahmed Leila 66 Ahura Mazda 13 Aisha Muhammad’s wife: and affair of the necklace 120–21 and Ali 130–31 134 177 and Battle of the Camel 130–31 177 and hadith 70 inheri- tance of 119 and marriages of Muhammad 64–65 and Muhammad on Mount Hira 36 and Muhammad’s death 109 119 Muhammad’s relation- ship with 74 107 121 and nature and function of Caliphate and Ummah 131 and Quraysh-Muhammad con- flict 77 and successors to Muhammad 119 120–21 125 130–31 134 wounding of 134 Akhbari School 184 al-Abass 136 al-Afghani Jamal ad-Din 229–31 232 233 235 242 258 al-Ahad 214 al-Anhuri Salim 230 231 al-Arabi 151 215 al-Ash‘ari Abu’l Hasan 154 al-Aswad 110 al-Ayham Jabalah ibn 59 al-Banna Hasan 235–38 239 242 251 253 al-Baqir Muhammad 184 al-Basra Hasan 152 212 al-Bukhari Muhammad 163 164 al-Ghazali Abu Hamid 150 151 166 205 216 235 al-Hujwiri 206 al-Husri Sati 233–34 242 al-Jili Abdul Karim 215 al-Khudri Abu Said 69 al-Ma’mum caliph 137 141 142–43 158 al-Mu‘attal Safwan ibn 120–21 al-Mu’manin See Zubayr Abd Allah ibn al- al-Mu’tasim 140–42 143 al-Nasser Gamal Abd 237–38 239 240 245 al-Qaeda 136 247–48 al-Salba: rebellion in 247 al-Sha’ri Zaynab bint 70 al-T abari Abu Ja‘far Muhammad 16 19 35 42 56 62 96 147–48 al-T ahawi 151 al-Waqidi 53 al-Zubayr Abd Allah ibn al-Mu’manin 177–78 185–86 Algar Hamid 242–43 Algeria 236 255 261 Ali Husayn’s son 172 177 184. See also Zayn al-Abadin Ali Akbar Husayn’s son 172 Ali ar-Rida Imam 183 Ali Ibn Abi T alib Muhammad’s cousin and son-in-law: and Abu Bakr 119–22 and Aisha 130–31 134 177 amir appointments of 174 and Battle of the Camel 130–31 177 as caliph 127 133–35 175 as Commander of the Faithful 130 death/martyrdom of 135–36 173 as Imam 136 182 184 inheritance of 119–20 123 Karbala revealed to 179 as Mahdi 185 186 as model of Muslim piety 135–36 and Mu‘awiyah 134–35 175 176 Muhammad’s relationship with 41 133–34 and Muhammad’s return to Mecca 106 and Muhammad’s with- drawal from Mecca 48 and nature and function of Caliphate 133–34 refuses Caliphate 129 130 and Shi‘ites 181 sons of 176 177 and successors to Muhammad 112 115–17 119–22 123–24 125 127 129–30 tomb of 244 and Umar 123 and Uthman 127 129–30 133 Ali Ahmed 69–70 Ali Chiragh 86 227 Ali Fatima bint 70 Ali Muhammad 244 Aligarth School 218–19 226–27 228 231 Allah creator god 6–7 8 10 18 40 93 110 Allat goddess 7 14 16 22 27 Amina Muhammad’s mother 19 21 Amir tribe 8 amirs governors 123 125 126 127 130 174 Andrae T or 93 Angha Maghsoud Sadegh 210 214 Anglo-Saudi T reaty 1915 244 Ansar 74 108 112 115–16 117 125 130 177–78 apostasy 119 Aquinas Thomas 151

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Arab purity. See Wahhabism Arafat W. N. 92–93 Aristotle 151 Armstrong Karen 93 army Islamic 123 175 Arnold Thomas 136 asceticism 199 200 ash-Shadhili Muhammad 201 232 ash-Shafii Muhammad 165 Ash‘arite School 153–55 205. See also T ra- ditionalists Ashura holy day 244 Ataturk Kemal 234 Attar Farid ad-Din 206–8 209 211 212 213 Averroës 153 Avicenna 155 Aws tribe 55 56–57 92 116 ayatollahs 185. See also specific person Azhar University 169 232 235 Aziz Shah Abdul 179 Azzam Abdullah Yusuf 86–87 Badr battle at 56 76 78 83–84 87–88 89 Baghdad 136–37 142 204 Bahadur Shah II 222 224 Bahira Christian monk 20–21 Bamyeh Mohammed 100 Baqura 12 Bar Kochba Simon 9 baraka 159–60 210 Baron S. W. 92 96 Basra 20–21 68 126 127 128 130 Battle of Siffin 134–35 Battle of the Camel 130–31 134 177 Battle of the T rench 91–92 104 Battle of Uhud 90 91–92 Bedouins 5 29–32 49 54 62 91 116 147 believers: intention of 145 146 Bell Richard 46 Berkey Jonathan 164 Bhutto Benazir 257 Bhutto Zulfikar Ali 256–57 bin Laden Osama 86–87 248 259–60 Black Stone 9–10 “blood money” 30 Boroujerdi Ayatollah 191–92 Buddhism 80 199 213 217 Bulliet Richard 28 143 Burckhardt Titus 208–9 Byzantine Empire 10 29 67 79–80 94 101 108 131 175 Caetani Leone 127 calendar Islamic 52 Index 297 Caliphate: as absolute monarchy 114 and Ali’s refusal of title of Caliph 130 and approvals of Caliphs 122 and Battle of the Camel 131 and Caliph as king 136 as civil institution 114 decline and demise of 137–38 234 244–45 and divine sanction of al-Ma’mum 142–43 first 112–13 and Hasan- Mu‘awiyah conflict 174 and Imams 181 nature and functions of 113 117 126 130–34 136 138–39 142–43 233 and profession of faith 152 and prophethood 123 restoration of 138 170 and revolt against Uthman 126–29 and Riddah Wars 119 and Rightly Guided Ones 136 138 258 265 Shaykhs compared with 113 and successors to Muhammad 113 114 115–20 123–25 126–39 and Ulama 143 and Umar’s conversion 155–56 and Ummah 131–32 136 143 and Wahhabism 244 and Yazid-Husayn conflict 176–77 zakat during 147. See also specific Caliph or Caliphate calligraphy 159 217 capital punishment 119 caravans 20–22 23 82–83 89 celibacy 201 Central Asia 165–66 199 202 216 Central Intelligence Agency CIA 188 252 259 260 charity 33–34 58 147 150 Chisti Order 217–18 Christianity: Alexandrian 11 Antiochian 11 Arian 11 Byzantine 94 disappear- ance in Islamic lands of 95 evolution of 248 Gnostic 11 historical infor- mation about 22 in Holy Roman Empire 11 80 influence on Muham- mad of 17–18 44 internal conflict within 115 248 and Judaism 183 and Ka‘ba 11–12 lamentation in 178 missionary activity of 10 95 115 223–28 236 Modalist 11 Mono- physite 11 12 Montanist 11 and Muhammad’s marriages 64 Muham- mad’s views about 94 98–99 100 101–2 103–4 262 mystics in 208 Nestorian 11 as “orthodoxic” reli- gion 144 and paganism 10–12 13 14 and “People of the Book” 100 persecution of 94 in pre-Islamic Ara- bia 10–12 13 14 17–18 22 40 pro- tection taxes for 94–95 147 and Quran as revealed scripture 99 reform

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298 Index Christianity cont’d : movements within 85 and religious pluralism in Islam 262 in Spain 137 and Sufism 199 205 210 215–16 in Syria 19 as unbelievers 103 in U.S. 262 and women 71 Y emen as seat of 10 Zoroastrian influence on 12. See also Crusades citizenship: and religion 80 clans 24 54. See also specific clan clergy: and Islamic democracy 265. See also ayatollahs specific person colonialism: in Egypt 228–40 in India 220–28 255 and Islam as warrior reli- gion 79 and jihad 86 and Mod- ernism 225–40 and “Muhammad in Medina” 52 and partitioning of lands 255–56 and Sufism 219 and women 72–73 commercial fairs 23 26 28 46 48 Companions: authority of 68–69 70 and building of cohesive religious system 110–11 as early followers of Muham- mad 42 67 105 and expansion of Islam 74 as first generation of Mus- lims 67 and Jewish influence on Muhammad 101 and Muhammad’s death 110–11 and Muhammad’s pilgrimage to Mecca 105 Quraysh boycott of 46–47 and Quraysh- Muhammad conflict 45 76 105 as repositories of oral anecdotes 67 and revolt against Uthman 128 129 and successors to Muhammad 107 112 114 116 118 122 123 125 127 128 129 130 and Sunna 163 164 tombs of 243 and Yathrib emi- gration 48–49 50–52 57. See also specific person The Conference of the Birds Attar 206–8 212 Conrad Lawrence 36 constitution: and Constitution of Medina 55–56 57 59 82 89–90 99 and debate about Caliphate and Ummah 138 in Iran 251–52 253 Quran as 257 conversions. See proselytizing Cooper Frederick 220–22 Council at Chalcedon 451 C.E. 11 Cox Harvey 261 Cragg Kenneth 35 157 crime 59 Cromer Alfred Lord 72–73 Crone Patricia 27 28 113 Crusades 79 80 85 263 culture 17 126 167 Cyrus the Great 12 Damascus 122 136 173 174 175 176–78 dar al-Islam House of Islam 85 David 21 34 35 64 113 117 Daya Nadjm ad-Din Razi 157 Demirel Suleyman 72 democracy: American 258–59 261 clergy’s role in 265 and human rights 264 in Iran 139 188 Islamic 52–53 258 260–61 264–66 and Islamic funda- mentalism 261 264 and Islamic Reformation 253–54 258–59 260–61 Medina as archetype for 52–53 258 and morality 261 264 265 and plu- ralism 262–63 264 and religion 265 and secularism/secularization 261–62 264 and separation of church and state 258–59 262 Deobandi School 219 dhikr 216–18 242 dhimmi 94 108 262 263. See also Chris- tianity Jews/Judaism dietary laws 58 100 101 Disraeli Benjamin 224 divine sanction 142–43 divorce 62 63 121 dowry 61–62 dreams: of Muhammad 75–76 77 and Quraysh-Muhammad conflict 77 Drunken Sufis 214 Duff Alexander 226 East India Company 222 223–24 225 229 Ebadi Shirin 74 Ebtekar Masoumeh 72 egalitarianism: and destruction of tribal ethic 31–32 and evolution of Islam 82 in Iran 251 and Islam as nascent religion 59–60 and Islam as revolu- tionary experiment 74 and Islamic Reformation 264 and Medina ideal 264 and Modernists 230 235 238 and successors to Muhammad 134 and tribes 29 31–32 and women 66 71 and Yazid-Ali conflict 175 Egypt: colonialism in 228–40 democracy in 261 and diversity within Islam 257 Fatimids in 137 and Great Britain 228–40 and Islamic Reforma- tion 257 261 khedives in 228–29 234 237 244 legal system in 170 Modernists in 229–40 245 Mu‘awiyah in 135 Nasser in 237–38

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245 nationalists in 234 and Quran 126 religion and state in 138 and revolt against Uthman 127 128 129 and Shariah 170 Umar’s defeat of 122 and Wahhabism 244 Eickelman Dale 110 El Fadl Khaled Abou 169 Ellenborough Lord 223–24 Emigrants. See Companions Ummah Enlightenment: European 206 222–23 225 227 248 Islamic 227 and Sufism 206 Europe: al-Afghani’s views about 231 Thirty Y ears’ War in 248. See also spe- cific nation extremism Islamic 133 261. See also specific person or organization Fadlallah Shaykh 87 Fakhr ad-Din ar-Razi 69 Fakhry Majid 69 70 fasting 58 100 146 147–48 150 Fatima Muhammad’s daughter 41 73 117 119–20 137 176 177 179 182 244 Fatimids 137 feminism Islamic 53 71 73–74 Faqih. See Valayat-e Faqih Five Pillars of Islam 145–55 201 followers. See Companions Ummah free will 153 154 Fueck Jonathan 15 fundamentalism 79 241–42 245 246–47 261 264. See also Wahhabism Gabrieli Francesco 88 92 Ghassanids 10 11 12 Ghaznavid Dynasty 137 Gil Moshe 89–90 Gnosticism 11 115 199 215–16 God: attributes of 145 154–55 baraka of 159–60 essence of 155 201 210–11 as good 39–40 and love 211 and monotheism 43 Muhammad’s rela- tionship with 216 names for 214 Oneness and Unity of 149 150–55 213–14 215 248 263 Quran as 158 as reality 213 gods 7–8 15. See also paganism specific god Goiten S. D. 98 Goldziher Ignaz 68 111 Gospels 35 68 99 101 102 103 157 216 Graetz Heinrich 92 Graham William 160 Grant Charles 223 Index 299 Great Britain: and colonialism 220–40 255 256 and Egypt 228–40 and India 220–28 255 256 and Iraq 255 and Saudi Arabia 244 247 hadith oral anecdotes 67–71 163–64 184 186 Hadl clan 53 Haeri Fadhlalla 200–201 Hafiz Sufi poet 209 211 214 Hafsah Muhammad’s wife 64 Hagar 4 149 Hajj pilgrimage 5 148–50 205 210 246 Hakam tribal mediator 29 30–31 32 55–57 58 88 92 124 135. See also spe- cific person Halm Heinz 179 Hamas 86 246 Hamzah Muhammad’s uncle 76 78 Hanafi School 155 165–66 167 Hanbali School 141 144 154 166 Hanifism monotheistic movement 13–15 22 32 40 43 44 88 89 Harun al-Rashid 142 Hasan Muhammad’s grandson 41 127–28 129 172 173–74 176 180 181 184 185 188 Hashim clan: and Ali’s death 135 and early verses revealed by Muhammad 41 and Hasan-Mu‘awiyah conflict 174 and Husayn’s death 173 as Muhammad’s clan 24 as part of Quraysh tribe 32 Quraysh boycott of 46–47 and Sharif of Mecca 240 and successors to Muhammad 112 115–16 117 119 123 124–25 130 135 Hashim Muhammad’s great grandfather 26 Hawting G. R. 5 henotheism 8 40 hereditary succession 116–17 heretics 11 158 Hidden Imam 186 191 192. See also Mahdi Hidden Sufi 205 Hind wife of Abu Sufyan 76 78 106 124 Hinds Martin 113 Hindus 199 208 210 213 224 256 262 263 Hizbullah 86 87 Hodgson Marshall 59 Holy Roman Empire 11 79 80 122 167 “holy war”: and jihad 80–81 Hosea 64 Hubal Syria moon god 3 8 14 78 106

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300 Index Hudaybiyyah T reaty of 104–5 human rights 263–64 Huntington Samuel 79 Husayn ibn Ali Muhammad’s grandson: as Caliph 176 death of 172 178 190 as Imam 184 and Iranian Revolution of 1979 188 as Mahdi 185 martyrdom of 41 179 180–81 188 190 and Mu‘awiyah 176 and revolt against Uthman 128 as revolutionary 179 and Shi‘ites 179 181 tomb of 244 Yazid’s conflict with 171–73 176–78 Hussein Saddam 190 247 252–53 Ibn Abi Du’ad 141 142 Ibn al-Hanafiyyah Muhammad 177 185–86 Ibn Anas Malik 144 Ibn Asad Ka’b 90 Ibn Hanbal Ahmad 141 152–53 158 166 Ibn Haritha 16 Ibn Hazm 158 Ibn Hisham 13–14 15 33 35 36–37 38 42 56 Ibn Ishaq 15 25 Ibn Jubayr 148 Ibn Junayd 204 Ibn Khaldun 186 Ibn Kullab 158 Ibn Maja 69 Ibn Mansur al-Hallaj Husayn 163 164 204–6 212–13 Ibn Mu‘adh Sa‘d 92 Ibn Muljam Abd al Rahman Ibn ’Amr 135 Ibn Rushd 153 Ibn Saud Muhammad 240–41 243–44 Ibn Sayyad 98 Ibn Shaprut Hasdai 95 Ibn Sina 155 Ibn T aymiyya 85 identity: Muslim 80 132 tribal 46 ijma juridical consensus 164–65 167 232 258 ijtihad independent reasoning 165 169 184–85 232 Ikhwan warriors 247 Imams 136 181–84 190 191 192 200 215 242 244. See also specific person imperialism 219 225 227 231 233 237 251 255 India: colonialism in 218–19 220–28 255 256 democracy in 262 expansion of Islam in 66 263 Hindu Awakening in 262 independence in 255 partition- ing of 255 256 pluralism in 262 Sepoy Mutiny in 220–28 255 and successors to Muhammad 137 Sufism in 202 210 217–18 219 Sunnis in 165–66 T aliban in 219 Indonesia 255 260 inheritance laws 61–62 163 Inquisition Muslim 95 137 140–42 143 158 International Women’s Day 1998 72 Iqbal Muhammad 219 Iran: amnesty to expatriates in 250–51 Aslan’s trip to 249–51 ayatollahs in 185 191–92 democracy in 139 188 and diversity within Islam 257 egali- tarianism in 251 expansion of Islam to 263 Faqih in 260 Iraq’s war with 86 190 252–53 and Islamic Reforma- tion 249–54 257 260 261 265 Islamic Republic of 170 189 251–52 265 and jihad 86 and Medina as archetype 53 Modernism in 236 Revolution of 1905 in 189 252 254 Revolution of 1953 in 188 189 254 Revolution of 1979 in 86 139 185 187–88 189–90 251–52 254 as secu- lar nation 261 Shah of 187 189–90 251 252 and Shariah 166 and Shi‘atu Ali 174 Shi‘ites in 170 251 and suc- cessors to Muhammad 137 Umar’s defeat of 122 and U.S. 252–53 women in 72 74. See also Khomeini Ruhollah Sasanian Empire Iraq 86 126 129 176 185 190 234 245 252–53 255 256 Isaac 4 117 182 Isaiah 103 Islam: as alternative to Judaism 96 anti- Jewish sentiments in 92 and building of cohesive religious system 110–11 as civilization 230 as communal reli- gion 200 264 conflicts/diversity within 114–15 131 136–37 257 266 contemporary portrayals of 78–79 emergence of 5 27–28 58 enemies of 108 evolution of 81–82 110–11 248 266 first civil war in 131 Golden Era of 114–15 historical evidence about 27–28 mission and principles of 43 origins and birth of 17–18 52–53 79–80 as orthopraxic religion 144 as religion of diversity 263 reli- gious pluralism in 262–63 as revolu- tionary experiment 74 spread of 46 52–53 66–71 80 82 110 131 159 164 175 263 stereotypes of 78–79

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Sufism’s relationship to 201 204 superiority of 239 theological devel- opment of 110–11 unity in 138–39 239–40 248 universality of 138 237 as warrior religion 78–79. See also Muslims Islamic Association Jama‘at-i Islami 138 227–28 246 256 Islamic Jihad 246 Islamic Reformation: and democracy 253–54 258–59 260–61 in Iran 249–54 257 260 261 265 and parti- tioning of lands 255–56 263 and sec- ularism 258–59 and sovereignty 252 265 Islamism 239–40. See also Wahhabism Islamization of society 236 Ismail Ja‘far’s son 185 Ismail Safavid ruler 187 188 190 Ismail son of Abraham 4 117 179 182 Ismailis Seveners 185–86 isnad chain of transmission 67 163 164 Israel 262 Jacob 10 64 117 Ja‘far as-Sadiq Imam 166 184 185 Jafari School 184–85 Jafri Husain 179 Jahiliyyah “Time of Ignorance” 5 8 13 18 239 Jahmites 152 Jerusalem 100–101 122 135 173 201 Jesus: demonization of Jews as killers of 103 as Gospels’ inspiration 35 and Hebrew Scriptures 183 and influ- ences on Muhammad 17 101 Jews refusal to recognize Islam as alternative to 96 Ka‘ba image of 3 12 106 and Mahdi 186 miracles of 156 and Montanist Christianity 11 Muham- mad compared with 21 98 216 Muhammad’s views about 101 103 106 and Orthodox T rinitarians 101 102 as prophet 19 34 182 and prophetic consciousness as evolving process 37 and Sufism 205 215–16 topoi about 21 and T rinity doctrine 11 Jews/Judaism: Babylonian Exile of 9 in Byzantium 94 and Christianity 183 demonization of 103 expulsion from Medina of 94 and fasting 147–48 historical information about 22 influ- ence on Muhammad/Islam of 17–18 44 95 97 99–101 102–3 147–48 Islam as alternative to 96 and Islam’s Index 301 anti-Jewish sentiments 92 lamentation in 178 in Medina 89–94 96–97 102 and monotheism 10 Muhammad’ s views about 93 94 95–99 100–101 102–4 262 and Muhammad’ s views about marriage 63 Muslim relations with 53 93–104 137 as “orthopraxic” religion 144 and paganism 9–10 12 13 22 and “People of the Book” 100 persecution of 94 in pre-Islamic Ara- bia 9–10 12 13 17–18 22 40 prose- lytizing by 95 protection taxes for 94–95 147 and Quran 97 99 and Quraysh-Muhammad conflict 76 89 and religious pluralism in Islam 262 in Spain 95 in Syria 122 and Umar 93 as unbelievers 103 and women 71 in Y athrib 54–55 56–57 Zoroastrian influence on 12. See also Muslim-Jewish relations specific clan or person jihad 79–81 84–88 243–44 260 Jinn 7 8 44 Jinnah Muhammad Ali 256 John the Baptist 22 103 216 Jordan 236 257 “just war” theory 87 Ka‘ba: and Abyssinian attack on Mecca 18 Allah as not represented in 8 Black Stone at 9–10 burning of 178 as cen- ter of religious life in pre-Islamic Ara- bia 3–4 5 25–26 charity of 33–34 and Christianity 11–12 circumambula- tions of 5 8 17 24 25 149 descrip- tion of 3 24 148–49 and Five Pillars 148–49 and Hanifism 14 22 44 88 historical evidence about 27–28 as “House of God” 106 Hubal as central deity of 8 Jesus’ s image in 3 12 106 Jewish influence on 9–10 and Layla and Majnun legend 195 and Mecca as special 27 and Mu‘awiyah caliphate 175 Muhammad gets keys to 49 and Muhammad as reformer 44 Muham- mad smashes idols in 106 and Muham- mad’ s pilgrimage to Mecca 105 and Muhammad’ s return to Mecca 106 Muhammad’ s views about 44–45 myths about 9 as “navel spot” 5 ori- gins of 4–5 9 and poetry 156–57 pre-Islamic 23–32 Qurans/Quran verses in 148–49 159 Quraysh control of 25–26 and Quraysh- Muhammad conflict 44 45 46 88 105 rediscovery/rebuilding of 4 10

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302 Index Ka‘ba cont’d : as sacred ground 26 as seat of Islam 106 as spiritually connected to Abra- ham 14 stories/legends about 4 5 and successors to Muhammad 116 as uni- versal shrine 27 and Wahhabism 245 and Y azid rebellion 178. See also pil- grimages Kahins poets/tribal cultic official 7–8 29 37–38 44 57 58 157 Kaiser Ishan 204 Karbala: and founding of Shi‘ites 178 Ikhwan sacking of 244 massacre at 171–73 175 177 178 179 184 185 186 190 passion plays about 180 and Penitents 178 179 rituals at 184 and Shi‘ite-Sunni conflict 190 as Shi‘ite’s Garden of Eden 179 and Wahhabism 244 Kashani Ayatollah 191 Kashifi Kamal al-Din Wa’iz-e 181 Kavakci Merve 72 Keddie Nikki 229 Kemal Namik 231 Khadija Muhammad’s wife 33 38–39 41 47–48 61 64 Khalid ibn Sinan 15 Khan Ayub 256 Khan Inayat 216 Khan Sayyid Ahmed 218–19 225–27 Kharijites 128 132–34 135 136 145–46 152 177 244 247 Khayyám Omar 214 Khazraj tribe/clan 48 55 56–57 112 116 Khomeini Ruhollah 86 138–39 185 187 188–89 190–93 251–52 253 265 Kilab clan 93 King Abdulaziz University 86 Kister J. M. 15 Kohens Jewish soothsayers 9 98 Kufa: and Ali’s death 135 and Caliphate 134 135 136 and Mahdi 186 Peni- tents in 178 and successors to Muhammad 127 128 130 134 136 and Uthman revolt 127 128 and Yazid-Husayn conflict 171–73 175 176–77 179 Lakhmids 12 lamentations 178 180 181 Lammens Henri 116 language: mystical powers of 156 Quran as creating Arabic 157 Last Judgment 12 15 41 94 181 186 188 Law of Retribution 30–31 55 59–60 law schools 165–66 167 184–85 186. See also specific school Lawrence Bruce 218 Layla and Majnun legend 194–98 202 204 211 Lecker Michael 56 93 legal system: and democracy 265 and hadith 67 68 and ijma juridical con- sensus 164–65 167 232 258 interac- tion of theology and 144–55 and Islam as nascent religion 59 and Islamic Reformation 257–58 265 and Medina as archetype 53 and Mod- ernists 227 and orthodoxy 164–65 and Quran 163 164 165 166 167–70 and reasoning 164 and Reve- lation 164 and Shariah 170 and spread of Islam 67 and Sufism 201 202 Sunna as source for 163–64 and taqlid acceptance of juridical prece- dent 165 227 T raditionalist influ- ence on 159–62 and Ulama 167. See also Law of Retribution Lewis Bernard 78–79 Libya 122 147 love: God as objectified through 211 and Layla and Majnun legend 194–98 202 204 211 and Sufism 194–98 202 204 210–13 214 Luke 103 Luqman prophet 43 44 Madelung Wilferd 116 121–22 128 Mahdi 185–87 188 189 190–91. See also Hidden Imam Makhzum clan 64 125 Malik Ibn Anas Imam 165 Maliki School 144 165 167 Manat goddess 7 22 manhood: age of 36 Manichaeism 13 178 199 manism 6 Margoliouth D. S. 96 97 Mariyah Muhammad’s wife 64 marriage 61–62 63–65 100 101 Marwan 127 128 176 177 Mary Christian holy mother 3 16 21 106 Mawdudi Abu-l Ala 138 227–28 242 246 256 Mazdakism sect 13 Mecca: Abyssinian attack on 18 28–29 as center of Jahiliyyah religious experi- ence 13 demise of tribal ethic in 31–32 40–41 description of 24 as dominant in Hijaz 74 as heart of Islam

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108 and Hijra 50–52 Muhammad’ s early days in 32–49 Muhammad’ s march on 105–6 Muhammad’ s pil- grimages to 104–6 112 Muhammad’ s withdrawal from 48–49 neutrality of 26 and Ottoman Empire 240 during pilgrimage season 23 poverty in 33–34 40–41 praying in direction of 146 pre-Islamic 23–49 and Quranic exegesis 160–61 Quraysh domination in 24–32 and Quraysh-Muhammad conflict 81–92 religio-economic sys- tem in 26–32 33 34 44 46–47 60 82–92 “reverse migration” from Me- dina to 88–89 Sharif of 240 243 244 and Shi‘atu Ali 174 and successors to Muhammad 112 129 130 134 tolls for entering 25–26 and trade 26–28 83 and Uthman revolt 129 and Wah- habism 243 244 and Y azid rebellion 178. See also pilgrimages Medina: archeological evidence in 97 birth of Muslim community in 52–53 defense of 91–92 description of 51 economy of 54 first mosque at 52 Hanifism in 14 Husayn as Caliph in 176 as Islamic archetype 52–53 257 258 263 264 and Islamic Reforma- tion 257 258 263 264 Jews in 56–57 89–94 96–97 102 and Malike School 165 Muhammad’s emigration to 48–49 50–52 Muhammad’s return to after defeat of Quraysh 108 pagan- ism in 56–57 97 pilgrimages to 82 in pre-Islamic Arabia 14 53–66 and Quranic exegesis 161 and Quraysh- Muhammad conflict 75–81 91–92 and “reverse migration” from Medina to Mecca 88–89 and Riddah Wars 119 as sanctuary city 82 and Shi‘atu Ali 174 as soul of Islam 108 and spread of Islam 52–53 and successors to Muhammad 134 as trading center 82 tribal conflict in 55 Ummah at 57 and Wahhabism 243 244 wealth of 122 Yathrib renamed 52 74 88 and Yazid-Husayn conflict 176–77 and Yazid rebellion 178. See also Con- stitution of Medina meditation 202 217 Menocal Maria 95 Mernissi Fatima 68 Mevlevi Order 217 militancy Islamic: Medina as archetype for 52–53 Index 303 Mina: three pillars of 149 Mir Mustansir 84 miracles 156–57 Modarressi Hossein 185 Modernism: and colonialism 225–28 and democracy 258 in Egypt 229–32 in India 225–28 Medina as archetype for 52–53 in Saudi Arabia 240–48. See also Pan-Arabism Pan-Islamism Salafiyyah movement specific person Momen Moojan 116 monasticism 199 200 monism 214 Monophysites 11 monotheism 5 10 12–13 16 17 40 43 46 266 morality: and colonialism 225 and commu- nal character of Islam 264 and democracy 261 264 265 and early verses revealed by Muhammad 41 and Hanifism 15 and Islam as nascent reli- gion 59 and Islamic Reformation 257–58 261 264 of Muhammad 5 and pre-Islamic warfare 83 84 and Shariah 163 and tribal ethics 30 of Wahhabism 246 Morocco 217 255 257 260 Moses 9 17 34 64 102 109 117 156 179 182 mosque: first 52 and Five Pillars 146 Umar’s destruction of Damascus 94 Mount Arafat 149 Mount Hira: Muhammad’s Revelation on 34–39 Mu‘awiyah 131 132 134–35 136 142 173–75 176 Mughal Empire 218 222 224 Muhajirun. See Companions Muhammad Aisha’s brother 130 Muhammad: appearance of 32 assassination attempts on 90 155 authority of 55–56 57–58 birth of 18–19 character and personality of 32 33 38 childhood and youth of 17–18 19–21 32 clan of 24 death of 66 108–9 111 early days in Mecca of 32–43 early followers of 41–42 final sermon of 149 God’s rela- tionship with 216 as Hakam 32 55–57 and Hanifism 15 health of 107–9 historical information about 21–22 27–28 and human rights 263–64 imitators of 110 impact on Mecca of 5 Jesus compared with 21 98 216 Karbala revealed to 179 as Keeper of the Keys 108

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304 Index Muhammad cont’d : literacy of 35–36 as Mahdi 185 mar- riages of 33 63–65 as Messenger of God 35 39 44 55 56 76 82 105 138 150 miracle of 157 as orphan 32 and paganism 16–18 as prophet 182 as reformer 17–18 41 58 Revelations of 5 17 19 20 34–42 81–82 83 148 179 rumors of death of 78 as Shaykh 56 57–58 and Shi‘ites 179 180 181 social status of 33 stories/legends about 15–16 19–21 52–53 59 succes- sors to 107–39 and Sufism 215–16 tomb of 243 transformation of 81–82 uniqueness of 43–45 as warner 40–41 82 wealth of 33 Zayd ibn Amr’s meet- ing with 15–16 22. See also specific person or topic “Muhammad in Medina” 52 Muharram 180 181 244 Mujahadin 259–60 mujtahid 184 185 Müller Max 8 Murshid Daquiqa bint 70 Musa al-Kazim Imam 185 186 190 Musharraf Pervez 257 music 160 217–18 244 Muslim Brothers 239 240 242 245–46 261 Muslim Empire: beginning of 175 Muslim League 246 256 Muslims: Companions as first generation of 67 dual identities of 137–38 emer- gence of 57 internal conflict among 248 Jewish relations with early 53 93–104 137 reunification of 137 sec- ond generation of 67 unity of 150 231 234. See also Islam specific topic Mustaliq clan 120 Mu‘tazilite school 153–54 155 232. See also Rationalists mysticism 200–201 205 218 Nadir clan 53 55 90–91 94 Naqshbandi Order 217 218 nationalism 138 234 235 238 245 246 255 257 Neoplatonism 199 218 nepotism 125 127 128 Netton Ian Richard 217 Newby Gordon 9 97–98 Nicene Council 325 C.E. 11 Nicholson Reynold 198 215 Noah 4 9 17 179 Noeldeke Theodor 126 Nurbakhsh Javad 209 Nuri Shaykh Fazlollah 191 oath of allegiance: and Medinan ideal 258 and Modernists 232–33 and Muham- mad’s death 110 118 and Muham- mad’s return to Mecca 106 and Quraysh-Muhammad conflict 106 and successors to Muhammad 123 125 128 129 130 and Sufism 209 in tribes 30 and Uthman revolt 128 129 oil 245 246 247 Omar Mullah 260 orphans 32 40–41 61 63 orthodoxy 144 164–65 201 205 219 orthopraxy 144 164 Otto Rudolph 151 Ottoman Empire 137 187 228 231 234 240 244–45 Oveyssi Order 210 paganism: and afterlife 6 and Allah 6–7 8 animistic roots of 8 Bedouin 5 and Christianity 10–12 13 14 and con- versions 94 ending of in Mecca 106 and Judaism 9–10 12 13 22 and Ka‘ba 14 meaning of 6 in Medina 97 and Muhammad 16–18 and Muhammad’s return to Mecca 106 as religious perspective 6 in sedentary societies 6–7 8 in Yathrib 54 56–57 Pahlavi Muhammad Reza 189–90 Pahlavi Reza 187–88 Pakistan 147 170 228 256–57 259–60 Palestine 236 255 260 Pan-Arabism 233–34 235 236 242 245 Pan-Islamism 231 233 234–35 236 242 245 246 partitioning of lands 255–56 263 Pashtun 259 260 patrilineal societies 62 63 Penitents tawwabun 178 179 “People of Heaven” 133 247 “People of Hell” 133 247 “People of the Book” 100 101 102 103 Perfect Man 215 Persian Gulf War 247 Peters F . E. 28 96 pilgrimages: and activities/songs of pilgrims 4 5 8 and caravans 23 Hajj 5 148–50 205 210 246 internal 205 and Jewish influence on Ka‘ba 10 “lesser” 148 and Mecca’s religio-economic system 28 and Medina as sanctuary city 82 of

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Index 305 Muhammad to Mecca 104–6 112 of 167–70 and cultural norms 71 and Nasser to al-Banna’s tomb 237–38 and demise of tribal ethic 40 and designa- Quraysh control of Mecca 26 and tion of Jews and Christians as unbe- Quraysh-Muhammad conflict 45–46 lievers 103 as direct revelation and Qusayy’s control of Mecca 25 and Surahs 157–58 161 and equality of Saudi monarchy 246 season for 23 and sexes 60–61 and evolution of Islam Sufism 205 210 and trade 26 and 111 248 evolution of 167–69 exege- Wahhabism 243–44 water for 19 and sis of 160–62 and fasting 147 and women 71 Five Pillars 146 and fundamentalism Pinault David 180–81 241–42 as God 158 and hadith Pirs 199 200 202 209–10 215 218 242 68–71 historical context of 161 169 pluralism 262–63 264 as holy and revealed scripture 12 poets 7–8 156–57. See also Kahins 99–103 and Husayn’s death 172 and polyandry 63 Imams 182–83 and influences on polygyny 63 Muhammad 17 101 102 interpreta- polytheism 84–85 94 151 262–63 tion of 161 169 and Iranian Revolu- poverty 32 33–34 40–41 60. See also tion of 1979 189 and Islamic charity Reformation 262–63 264 and jihad prayer 58 100 146–47 150 81 84 86 87 and Judaism 95 97 profession of faith shahadah 8 43 44–45 101 102 and Ka‘ba 148–49 159 lan- 58 145–46 150–55 182 216 guage in 157–58 and Law of Retribu- property 61 84. See also inheritance laws tion 59 and legal system 163 164 prophets 17 34–35 37 123 182 215. See 165 166 167–70 as living text 169 also specific person Luqman’s chapter in 43 and marriage proselytizing: by Christians 10 95 115 63 and Modernists 227 as “Mother of 223–28 236 and colonialism 223–28 Books” Umm al-Kitab 99–100 157 and dhimmi 94 in Hanifism 15 and 158 262 Muhammad as “beautiful jihad 85 and paganism 94 and model” in 215 216 and Muhammad Shi‘ites 180–81 and successors to as Kahin 38 and Muhammad as Mes- Muhammad 122 and Ummah as tribe senger of God 35 and Muhammad as 58 pagan 16–17 Muhammad’s epithet in puritanism Islamic 233 241 246 35 and Muhammad’s literacy 35 as purity requirements 58 100 Muhammad’s miracle 157 Muham- mad’s views about 168–69 262 and Qadarite school 152 Oneness and Unity of God 152 213 Qadiri Order 216–17 219 215 organization of 161 and profes- Qadisiyyah: Umar’s defeat of Iranian forces sion of faith 150 and Quranic recita- at 122 tions 160 and Quraysh-Muhammad Qa‘id tribal war leader 29 55 58 113 conflict 46 Qurra readers of 126 Qajar Dynasty 187 160 as Rasul Allah 35 and religious qalb heart 208–9 214 pluralism 262–63 and Revelations Qaynuqa clan 53 55 60 89–91 94 100 148 157–58 160–61 162 qiyas analogical arguments 164 232 168–69 ruh in 208 and Shariah 165 Quran: Abdu’s views about 232 and age of 166 167–70 and Shi‘ites 182–83 184 manhood 36 and Ali-Mu‘awiyah con- 186 shirk in 151 and spread of Islam flict 134 and attempts to define Mus- 67 as static and unchanging 162 and lim identity 132 and baraka 160 and successors to Muhammad 113 116 calligraphy 159 and Christianity 12 117 124 125–26 129 132 134 and 101 103–4 collection and codification Sufism 200 201 202 and Sunna 164 of 125–26 129 161 and colonialism and tithing 60 and T raditionalist con- 227 commentaries on 68–71 168–69 troversy 153–54 155 159 161–62 and communal character of Islam 264 translations of 69–70 159 and Ulama as constitution of Saudi Arabia 257 143 169 and Umar’s conversion 155 contradictions in 168 169 creation Ummah references in 57 and Uthman and nature of 140–42 143 159 161 revolt 129 variations in 126 Verse of

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306 Index Quran cont’d : Light in 183 184 and Wahhabism 244 and warfare 84–85 and women 65 66 68–71 73–74 Quraysh tribe: attempts to murder Muham- mad by 48–49 boycott of Muhammad and Companions by 46–47 domi- nance in Mecca/Hijaz of 24–32 74 81 early reactions to Muhammad by 41 42 43–49 and early verses revealed by Muhammad 40 emergence of 25 greed and wickedness of 40 Hashim as clan within 32 and Mahdi 186 Muhammad’s conflict with 43–49 63 75–92 263 Muhammad’s defeat of 108 and Muhammad’s desire for Mecca 81–92 Muhammad’s dreams about 75–76 and Muhammad’s migra- tion to Yathrib 51 and Muhammad’s pilgrimage to Mecca 104–6 and Muhammad’s Revelation 37 and suc- cessors to Muhammad 112 116 117 122 123 125 130 134 as Wardens of the Sanctuary 24 wealth of 29. See also specific member Qurayza clan 53 55 64 90 91–94 95 104 Qusayy 24–26 28 175 Qutb Sayyid 138–39 238–40 242 251 258 Rabia of Basra 201 211–12 radicalism Islamic 86 238–40 242 246. See also Qutb Sayyid Rahman god 110 Rahman Hannah 98 Ramadan 100 146 147–48 150 Ramadan T ariq 254 Ramayana 156 rape 84 Rashidun Caliphate 114 Rationalists 140–42 143–44 153–55 158–62. See also Mu‘tazilite School Rayhana Muhammad’s wife 64 Reagan Ronald 260 reality 203 206 208 213 215 217 reason 153 154 161 164 165 169 184–85 202 232 253 Reed Jonathan 97 reform/reformers: and early verses revealed by Muhammad 39–42 liberal Muslim 73 and Muhammad as reformer 43–49 52–53 and profession of faith Shahadah 43 prophets as 17 and Protestant Reformation 248 social and economic 43–49 52–53 and women 73. See also Islamic Reforma- tion specific person or movement Reissener H. G. 97 religion: and citizenship 80 and culture 17 and Islamic democracy 265 ortho- doxic versus orthopraxic 144 plural- ism in 262–63 and politics 152 and separation of church and state 258–59 262 as simplifying truth 153 and social identity 80 and territorial expansion 80 unification of state and 80. See also specific person religion or topic Renard John 145 retreats 17 33–34 Revelations: Abdu’s views about 232 and Imams 182 and Islamic Reformations 253 254 257 266 and legal system 164 of Muhammad 5 17 19 20 34–42 81–82 83 148 179 and poly- theism 263 and prophets 34–35 and Quran 100 148 157–58 160–61 162 168–69 of Qutb 239 and reasoning 164 and Shariah 165 167–68 and Shi‘ites 181 183 and Sufism 200 and T raditionalist controversy 153 154 and women 71 Rida Rashid 233 Riddah Wars 118–19 134 Rifa’i Order 201 217 rituals: as believer’s intention 145 146 and Five Pillars 145–55 and Islam as nas- cent religion 58 and orthopraxy 144 of Shi‘ites 179 180–81 184 and Sufism 202 216–17 of Sunni Islam 181 and Wahhabism 242. See also spe- cific ritual Rodinson Maxime 47 ruh Universal Spirit 208–9 214 215 Rumi Jalal al-Din 203–4 209 213 217 Rwanda 255 256 Saadi of Shiraz 203 Sachedina Abdulaziz 187 263 sacrifices 16–17 22 149 179–80 Sa‘d ibn Ubayda 112 117 Safavid Dynasty/Empire 187 Saiva kingdoms 80 Salafiyyah movement 233 Salim I 187 Saljuq Dynasty 137 salvation 133 154 Sana‘ 10 18 28 Sarjeant R. B. 111

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Sasanian Empire 12–13 29 66 79–80 108 122 131 175 Satan 13 213 Saudi Arabia 86 147 166 170 240–48 257 259–60 Saul of T arsus 64 155–56 Sawdah Muhammad’s wife 64 Schacht Joseph 162 163 Schubel Vernon 180 “Science of Kalam” 150–51 Seal of the Prophets 117 182 secret books 182 secularism 258–59 261–62 secularization 261–62 264 sedentary societies 6–7 8 15 62–63 self/ego nafs 208 209 self-annihilation: and Sufism 203 206 209 211 212 213 214–15 self-flagellation 180–81 242 self-mutilation 217 Sells Michael 156 separation of church and state 258–59 262 Sepoy Mutiny 220–28 255 September 11 2001 87 248 259 266 Shaban Muhammad A. 26 115–16 Shafii School 165 Shah king: first 187 Shah Idris 203 Shaltut Mahmud 86 shamanism 199 217 Shariah code of conduct: Abdu’s views about 232 categories of behavior in 162 as core of Islam 162 and culture 167 and imja 164–65 167 as law in Saudi Arabia 257 and Modernists 227 239 240 modernization of 170 227 nature and functions of 162–70 and Quran 163 167–70 and schools of law 165–66 167 and Sufism 202 217 and Sunna 163–64 T raditional- ists as interpreters of 144 164 165 166 169 170 and Ulama 162 164 165 166–67 169 and Wahhabism 242 247 Shariati Ali 73 136 151 251 Shariatmadari Ayatollah 191–92 252 Sharif Nawaz 257 Shaykhs Sayyids tribal leaders: authority and functions of 29–30 31 64 Caliphs compared with 113 death of 110 harems of 64 and jihad 88 and Law of Retribution 59 and Muham- mad as Shaykh 56 57–58 64 65–66 and Muhammad’s withdrawal from Mecca 48 oath of allegiance to 30 Index 307 110 of Quraysh 31–32 requirements for becoming 29 and successors to Muhammad 118 and Sufism 199. See also specific person Shi‘ah. See Shi‘ites Shi‘atu Ali 130 132 133 171 173 174 175 176 178. See also Shi‘ites Shi‘atu Mu‘awiyah 131–32 133 Shi‘atu Uthman 131 133 Shi‘ites: and Abassid Dynasty 136–37 and Ali’s martyrdom 135–36 and debate about Caliphate and Ummah 138–39 first state of 188 founding and early years of 178–81 and Husayn’s martyr- dom 179 180 and Imams 181–84 and Islam as religion of diversity 263 as minority sect 170 and Modernists 242 and nature and function of Caliphate 132 as new religious move- ment 179 and Pan-Islamism 231 profession of faith of 182 and prosely- tizing 180–81 and Quran 182–83 186 and Rationalists 159 rituals of 179 180–81 184 schools of law for 166 184–85 and Shi‘ism as theology of atonement through sacrifice 179–80 and successors to Muhammad 135–36 137 and Sufism 199 200 215 taqiyyah political quietism among 187 Ulama of 184 187 and Wahhabism 244 and Zaydis 184. See also Shi‘atu Ali specific nation shirk 151 154 shura tribal consultation 112 117 121–22 123–24 125 232 Sikhs 210 slavery 32 40–41 42 Smith Wilfred Cantwell 144 socialism Islamic 236–38 242 245 256–57. See also al-Banna Hasan Solomon 64 117 sorcery 45–46 Soroush Abdolkarim 169 253 265–66 sovereignty: and democracy 265 divine 190–91 in Iran 190–91 and Islamic Reformation 252 265 popular 190–91 230 232 Spain 67 95 137 Stillman Norman 93 Sudan 166 236 255 Suez Canal 229 245 Sufism: in Afghanistan 260 and al-Banna 235 characteristics of 204 eclecticism of 199–200 influences on 199 200 215–16 218 and Islam as religion of

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308 Index Sufism cont’d : diversity 263 Islam’s relationship to 201 204 and Khomeini 193 and Layla and Majnun legend 194–98 202 204 211 and love 194–98 202 204 210–13 214 meaning of term 198–99 202 and Modernists 232 237 242 and Muhammad 215–16 and mysticism 200–201 and Oneness and Unity of God 151 Orders in 199–200 209 210 216–17 218 219 origins of 202–3 and Pan-Islamism 231 parables about 202–3 206–8 and persecution of Sufis 216 and politics 200 218 as reactionary movement 200 as religious movement 199 and rituals 216–17 and self-annihilation 203 206 209 211 212 213 214–15 sexual imagery in 211–12 and Shariah 202 217 spread of 202 218 and Wahhabism 244 the Way tariqah in 206–8 209 210 211 212 214 withdrawal in 200–201 suicide bombers 86 Sunna traditions 31 153 163–64 165 232 Sunni Islam “orthodox”: Imams in 181 law schools of 165–66 184 186 and Mahdi 186 and nature and function of Caliphate 132 and orthopraxic reli- gion 144 and reunification of Mus- lims 137 rituals of 181 and successors to Muhammad 137 and Sufism 215 218 tafsir and ta’wil in 183 T raditionalist domination in 158 and Wahhabism 243 Surahs direct revelation 161 Syria: and Ali-Mu‘awiyah conflict 134–35 caravans to 20 Christianity in 19 and diversity within Islam 257 and Hasan- Mu‘awiyah conflict 174 and Islamic Reformation 257 Jews in 122 Mahdi in 186 Modernism in 236 and rebel- lion against Yazid 178 and Saudi Ara- bia 245 and successors to Muhammad 134 137 Sufism in 216 and trade routes 27 and Umar’s defeat of Roman army 122 and variations in Quran 126 and Yazid-Husayn con- flict 171–73 176 T abataba‘i Allamah 181 tafsir method 161 183 T aha Mahmoud Mohamed 169 tahannuth retreats 17 T a’if city 7 14 16 27 48 T alha Ibn Ubayd Allah 129 130 134 177 T aliban 72 259 260 T almud 97 167 taqlid blind imitation of Islamic doctrine 165 227 tawhid doctrine 150–51 158 213 242 T a’wil method 161 183 200 215 taxes 26 94–95 123 147 174 229. See also zakat T eresa of Avila 212 terrorism 79 86 248 259 T ertullian of Carthage 11 Thalabah clan 53 theology: interaction of law and 144–55 and Sufism 201 202 T raditionalist influence on 159–62. See also religion specific person or concept Thomas Bertram 58–59 “Time of Ignorance” 5 8 13 18 239 tithe. See zakat T ocqueville Alexis de 262 topos 21 98 T orah 35 68 96 99 101 102 103 157 163 torture 84 141 205 totemism 6 trade 26–28 82 83. See also caravans T raditionalists: and Ash‘arite School 153–55 and divisions within Islam 159–62 dominance of 143–44 158–62 and Islamic Reformation 254 263 and legal system 169 170 and madrassas 166 and reasoning- revelation dualism 164 and Shariah 164 165 166 169 170 and T radition- alist controversy 140–42 143–44 153–55 158–59 treason 89–91 119 T reaty of Hudaybiyyah 628 104–5 T revelyan Charles E. 223 224 255 tribes: alliances and affiliations among 31 crimes in 30 effect of Muhammad’s movement on 46 and egalitarianism 29 31–32 and intertribal order 31 and Law of Retribution 30–31 legal code in 31 oath of allegiance in 30 organization of 29–32 as sources of social identity 46 and tribal cult 46 58 and tribal ethic 29 30 31–32 40–41 93 108 and Ummah as a tribe 57–59 and war and peace 84. See also specific tribe

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T rinity doctrine of 11 101–2 151 truth 13 153 T urkey/T urks 72 137 209 216 217 261 Ubayd Allah ibn Jahsh 14 Uhud: and Quraysh-Muhammad conflict 77–78 90 91–92 Ulama: and Abassid Dynasty 137 140–42 Abdu’s views about 232 Afghani’s views about 230 at al-Azhar Univer- sity 169 and apostasy 119 authority of 114 144 165 166 and Caliphate 143 and colonialism 227 formation and functions of 113–14 143 and Inquisition 137 140–42 institutional- ization of legal and theological opin- ions of 144 and interaction of theology and law 144–55 and Iranian Revolution of 1979 191 and Islamic Reformation 254 and legal system 163 164–65 167 and Ma’mun 143 and Modernists 227 232 233 235 and Mu‘awiyah 175 and orthopraxic and orthodoxic religion 144 and qiyas analogical arguments 164 and Quran 143 160–61 169 and Shariah 144 162 165 166 of Shi‘ites 184 187 and successors to Muhammad 113–14 137 139 and Sufism 200 202 204 205 and Sunna 163 164 and taqlid acceptance of juridical precedent 165 and T raditionalist controversy 143–44 153 154 155 158–62 165 and unity of Islam 138–39 and Wahhabism 245 Umar: and Ali 123 and Ali-Aisha conflict 131 and attempts to assassinate Muhammad 155 authority of 70 as caliph 93 94 121–23 124 155–56 character and personality of 70–71 conversion of 155–56 death of 123–24 and destruction of Damascus mosque 94 and Jews 93 94 as military leader 122 as misogynist 70–71 and Muhammad’ s death 109 and Muham- mad’ s marriages 64 and Muhammad’ s pilgrimage to Mecca 105 Muhammad’ s relationship with 70 and nature and function of Caliphate 133 and Quraysh-Muhammad conflict 105 as successor to Abu Bakr 121–22 124 successor to 123–24 and successors to Muhammad 112 115–16 117 121 122–25 129 130 131 133 Index 309 Umayya ibn Abi Salt 14 Umayyads: Caliphate of 131–32 152 173 176–77 178 185–86 conflict between Shi‘atu Ali and 175 dominance in Hijaz of 125 and Hasan-Mu‘awiyah conflict 174 and inauguration of Umayya Dynasty 136 and Mahdi 186 massacre of 137 142–43 rebel- lions against 175–78 185–86 and ret- ribution for death of Uthman 129 and successors to Muhammad 129 130 137 and theology and legal issues 175. See also Shi‘atu Mu‘awiyah specific member Umm al-Kitab “Mother of Books” 99–100 157 158 262 Umm Hani 33 Umm Salamah Muhammad’s wife 64 74 77 Umm Waraqa 74 Ummah: Ali’ s views about 133 and attempts to define Muslim identity 133 and Battle of the Camel 131 and Battle of Uhud 90 and Caliphate 131–32 136 143 234 as Church in Islam 146 and designation of Jews and Christians as unbelievers 103 as empire 136 evolu- tion/expansion of 66–71 74 114 168–69 and evolution of Islam 82 financial and social dominance by 68 and Five Pillars 145–46 147 and hadith 68 and interaction of theology and law 145 and Islamic Reformation 257 and Jewish influence on Muham- mad 100 and jihad 86 Kharijite ideal of 145–46 meaning of term 57 58–59 modern debate about 138–39 and Modernists 230 233 234 and Mu‘awiyah caliphate 174 and Muhammad’ s death 118–19 Muham- mad’ s primary function as head of 59 Muhammad’ s views about 101 132 262 nature and functions of 130 131 132–33 136 138 and Pan-Islamism 231 and profession of faith 152 and Quran 100 126 168 and Quraysh- Muhammad conflict 83 88 90 and Riddah Wars 118–19 salvation solely for members in 133 and spread of Islam 67 and successors to Muham- mad 110–18 120 122 123 124 126 128–34 136 138 and Sufism 199 200 202 and Sunna 164 tithe on members of 60 as tribe 57–59

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310 Index Ummah cont’d : as unique experiment in social organi- zation 58 and Uthman revolt 128 129 and warfare 85 and women 60–63 65 66 74 at Yathrib 57 United States 139 247 252–53 259–60 261–62 Universal Spirit ruh 208–9 214 215 universal suffrage 233 258 Usuli School 184–85 usury 60 Uthman ibn Affan: and Ali 127 133 as caliph 124–25 126–29 174–75 as Khalifat Allah 174–75 letter from 127–28 Mu‘awiyah as cousin of 134 murder of 129 130 131 132 134–35 136 and Quran 126 161 revolt against 130 and successors to Muhammad 126 130 132 134 135 136 Uthman ibn Huwairith 14 Uzza al- goddess 3 7 14 22 Valayat-e Faqih doctrine 190–92 252 265 “Verse of Light” 183 184 Wadud Amina 73–74 Wahhabism 241–48 259–60 263 Wali Allah Shah 218–19 225 229 241 259 Walid amir 176–77 Walzer Michael 87 Wansbrough John 111 Waraqa ibn Nawfal 14 38–39 warfare 83 84–85 87. See also jihad Wasil ibn Ata 155 Watt Montgomery 26 28 42 57 96 116 146 the Way tariqah 206–8 209 210 211 212 214 216 Weber Max 79 Welch William 228 Westoxification 238 245 247 Whirling Darvishes 209 217 widows 32 61 63 71 women: in Afghanistan 259 260 and Christianity 71 and colonialism 72–73 as early followers of Muham- mad 42 and egalitarianism 71 human rights violations against 72 as inter- preters of Quran 70–71 in Iran 72 74 and Jews 71 and liberal Muslim reformers 73 and Modernists 230 Muhammad’ s views about 60–63 74 103 and pilgrimages 71 149–50 in pre-Islamic Arabia 33 and Quran 65 66 68–71 73–74 and Quraysh- Muhammad conflict 76 77 78 and Revelation 71 seclusion and veiling of 65–66 72–73 244 260 status of 163 subordinate role of 68–74 in T urkey 72 Umar’ s views about 70–71 and Ummah 74 and Wahhabism 244. See also feminism Islamic specific person Yahweh god of Jews 8 10 Yathrib. See Medina Yazid I Umayyad Caliph 171–73 175 176–78 “Y ear of the Elephant” 18 28 Y emen 10 18 27 110 147 186 236 Y om Kippur 100 147 Y oung Ottomans 231. See also Pan-Islamism Yunus ibn Bukayr 15 Zaghlul Sa‘d 233 242 zakat tithe 60 110 118 147 Zamzam well 4 19 24 Zawati Hilmi 84 Zayd Muhammad’s slave 41 Zayd ash-Shahid 184 Zayd ibn Amr 14 15–16 17 22 Zaydis faction 184 Zayn al-Abadin Ali 184 Zia al-Haq General 257 259 Zionism 236 Zoroastrians 12–13 22 80 178 263 Zubayr ibn al-Awwam 129 130 134 Zuhra clan 125

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�� About the Author REZA ASLAN has studied religions at Harvard Santa Clara University and the University of California Santa Barbara. He holds an MFA in fiction from the Writers’ Workshop at the University of Iowa where he was also visiting assistant professor of Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies. His work has appeared in The New Y ork Times the Los Angeles Times Slate The Nation and others. Born in Iran he lives in Santa Barbara and New Orleans.

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�� About the Type The text of this book was set in Janson a typeface designed in about 1690 by Nicholas Kis a Hungarian living in Amsterdam and for many years mistakenly attributed to the Dutch printer Anton Janson. In 1991 the matrices became the property of the Stempel Foundry in Frankfurt. It is an old-style book face of excel- lent clarity and sharpness. Janson serifs are concave and splayed the contrast between thick and thin strokes is marked.

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