Long

Internal and International Migration in Latin America: Translocal Livelihoods, Organizing Practices and Social Remittances in PeruNorman Long(Wageningen University)SSRC/IOM/ESRC 2005New York: 

Internal and International Migration in Latin America: Translocal Livelihoods, Organizing Practices and Social Remittances in Peru Norman Long (Wageningen University) SSRC/IOM/ESRC 2005 New York

TOPICS: 

TOPICS I: Overview of Processes of Migration and Urbanization II: Peruvian Case Studies: interrelations of rural and urban livelihoods and organizational and communicative practices III: Social Embedding of Remittances

PART IMigration and Urbanization in LA: Changing Economic and Policy Conditions: 

PART I Migration and Urbanization in LA: Changing Economic and Policy Conditions Rural-Rural migration is predominant type of internal migration in early stages of urbanization (e.g. labor migration to plantations, mines and colonization areas did not attract large settled populations). Rural-Urban migration becomes the major type of internal migration during the post-II w.w period of ‘import substitution industrialization’ (industrial work, state employment + informal services). But other types continue. Urban magnetism is matched by deteriorating rural conditions due to population pressure on land, declining crop yields, poor commodity prices, and a series of poorly conceived land reforms and resettlement schemes.

Migration and Urbanization cont’d: 

Migration and Urbanization cont’d Later abandonment of ISI for strategies of structural adjustment, deregulation, and export-oriented neoliberalism that fail to dynamize many sectors of rural and urban economy lead to problems of employment, housing and welfare, especially in poorer urban neighborhoods. Hence a slowing down of rural-urban migration, though ‘informal’ small-scale activities (often linking rural and urban locations) remained significant. In recent decades, urban-urban migration has gained in significance (with growth of smaller cities and urban satellite towns, and improved transport and communication networks).

Migration and Urbanization cont’d: 

Migration and Urbanization cont’d NOTE Rate of population increase affects impact of urbanization on rural and urban populations. High rates mean little population decline in rural areas despite high out-migration but ‘exploding’ cities. Thus despite high levels of urbanization there are more peasants in Mexico today than in 1910, at the time of the Mexican Revolution.

Motivating Conditions for Rural-Urban Migration: 

Motivating Conditions for Rural-Urban Migration Declining per capita rural resources Land pressure Land consolidation and capital intensive farming Increased needs for cash: Taxation Changing consumption patterns and standards of living Translocal networks and sources of information reduce costs of migration and channel migration to select destinations

International Migration: 

International Migration International migration occurs at all stages, with separation of rural-urban and international (mostly of skilled/professionals) flows in early stages of urbanization. And a linking of rural-urban and international in later stages. Since the early 1990s, globalization and the communications’ revolution have shaped the flows, including return migration. In 2000, some two and a half million Peruvians (10% of those claiming citizenship) were resident overseas.

 PART II Rural and Urban Livelihoods in Central Peru: 

PART II Rural and Urban Livelihoods in Central Peru Focus: movement of people, goods, resources and ideas across a variety of rural and urban spaces. Reconceptualizing migration from an actor perspective.

First period of field research (1970-1980s): 

First period of field research (1970-1980s) Aimed at identifying the parameters and dynamics of a ‘regional system of production’ – shorthand for the complex network of capital, labor and socio-political linkages that developed historically between various economic sectors and social groups. Linkages that cross-cut rural villages, mining locations, trade and administrative centers, provincial cities and the metropolitan area of Lima-Callao. Also the basis for the development of several types of multiple-family enterprise that combine branches of economic activity spanning the rural/urban divide. By 1970s, migration had shifted towards the larger urban areas, especially Lima, most migrants or families moving directly from their home village or town rather than through intermediary locations.

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Second period of field research (1997-2001) Focused on migrant networks (internal and international), livelihoods and changing cultural constructions of ‘ community’. This broke much new ground – especially concerning international migration, transnationalism and the plight of internally displaced families resulting from the Sendero Luminoso civil war.

Modes of exchange and cooperation: 

Modes of exchange and cooperation Andean region characterized by high degree of spatial movement between ecological zones producing a variety of products and between villages and trading/administrative centers. Such movements require back-up from family, friends, compadres and paisanos (‘fellow countrymen’). Built upon cultural practices of ‘reciprocity’ involving the exchange of labor, goods and services between kin and non-kin. These practices are ‘reworked’ in migratory contexts. Cooperation develops amongst groups of brothers and/or brothers-in-law (and even non-kin) whose incomes derive from different sources (confederations of households).

Modes of exchange and cooperationcont’d: 

Modes of exchange and cooperation cont’d Need to differentiate between such relatively balanced exchanges and the more ‘centralized’ pattern of control exercised by a ‘senior’ or ‘dominant’ actor or household as with most multiple family enterprises. A full understanding of these social forms and how they function in the context of different migratory modes and change over time is essential. That is, it raises a central issue in migration studies, namely the critical part played by family relations in the building of translocal and transnational networks. Bilateral kinship systems lend themselves to flexible, ego-centered networks as a form of social organization. This contrasts with ‘corporate’ affiliations based on ethnicity or descent.

Migrant Organizations : 

Migrant Organizations A central feature of urban migration – the earliest dating back to the 1920s. Differ from other voluntary or civic organizations by their orientation towards the place of origin of the membership. Often such organizations have branch units in their village or town of origin that attend to their interests. Evidence of high levels of financial, advisory and socio-political inputs into the home community. Often function as brokers vis-à-vis government agencies. There are several cases of leaders furthering their home-base property and other economic interests through their migrant organizations.

Peruvian Case Study: 

Peruvian Case Study MULTIPLE FAMILY ENTERPRISE From Local to Transnational 1972-1999

Three-generational Family Genealogies: 

Three-generational Family Genealogies Case highlights the usefulness of diachronic inter-generational case study method that traces the livelihood trajectories and migrational histories of individual family members. Reveals the reshaping of networks and exchanges between individuals and families of the senior generation and their descendants. Maps out the shifting livelihood commitments to ‘home’ and the reconfiguration of family solidarities ‘at a distance’. Brings out a central feature: the pattern of differential responses manifested by the different family branches. In the Jimenez case, identifies the imminent disintegration of the original multiple family enterprise, and the rise of new business and professional careers elsewhere in Peru but particularly in the US; and the accompanying cultural changes.

Transnational Lives in Italy and Peru: 

Transnational Lives in Italy and Peru The second case centers on the experiences, livelihoods, communicative practices and emotional attachments of a mother living in a poor, refugee neighborhood in the central highlands city of Huancayo and her daughters working in Milan, Italy. It shows how the mother ‘inserts’ herself into the transnational world of her daughters, thus influencing their daily decisions, livelihood strategies and social commitments. At the same time the daughters reshape the life circumstances and dreams of the mother and their younger siblings. During the exchanges that take place one witnesses how cultural practices and understandings concerning family welfare and solidarity are reinforced. These processes are backed up by high-level cash remittances earmarked for specific expenditures.

Usefulness of an Actor-oriented Methodology for Studying Migration: 

Usefulness of an Actor-oriented Methodology for Studying Migration Understanding migration and migrant lives necessitates entering into the life worlds of migrants and their families. Migrant motivations, networks and how these articulate socially, culturally and economically to their ‘home communities’ - while also developing new organizing practices - must be taken into account. Decisions to migrate are multiple and outcomes often unintended. These dimensions cannot be addressed adequately by the analysis of aggregate flows and outcomes (i.e. quantitative and structural assessments) In exploring these issues, a thorough-going actor-oriented perspective is recommended. This differs from a more general cultural/ethnographic point of view (See Long 1992 and 2001).

III Socially Embedded Nature of Remittances: 

III Socially Embedded Nature of Remittances Recent contributions have stressed the need to extend the notion of ‘remittances’ to cover the social and cultural components. Furthermore, remittances should not be conceptualized as a one-way process, since one must also consider the flow of goods, services, resources and socio-cultural items from the ‘home- base’ to individual migrants and their households and organizations. It has also been emphasized that we should distinguish between ‘individual’ family transfers as against more ‘collective’ ones, often managed by formally recognized associations or clubs linked to places of origin. Collective remittances include the organized collection and donation of funds, materials, technologies and advice based on specialized forms of knowledge and skills.

The Role of Migrant Associations in Local Development: 

The Role of Migrant Associations in Local Development Detailed data are presented documenting the nature of collective modes of remittance. Clear evidence of the involvement of migrant associations in local community affairs for political reasons (i.e. to advance the interests of particular factions – there are sometimes more than one migrant association in competition – or specific political parties). Alongside these political objectives is the concern to retain and protect various migrants’ economic interests (some of the members are commercial and transport entrepreneurs) including land and house properties. Intertwined in this are migrants’ visions and values concerning ‘development’ and ‘modernity’, and their individual wishes to return to live in their ‘home’ village or town. They therefore engage in ‘stockpiling’ both financial and social credit during their absence.

Some ideas on policy matters concerning remittances: 

Some ideas on policy matters concerning remittances Policy can operate at the level of facilitation: That is, government agencies or international development organizations can provide measures to improve and regulate the transfer of money [and goods?] to relatives or for investments back ‘home’. Here the main objective is to limit the level of the fees charged at both ends of the transmission. This is to be achieved through encouraging the use of particular (formally registered) types of banking and financial institutions and involves both sending and receiving governments agreeing to such arrangements. Though private banking, courier or travel agents may be involved they will be required to conform to notions of ‘good practice’.

Policy Matters cont’d: 

Policy Matters cont’d On another level, donors can target specific migrant organizations or groups: Both those formally registered and those operating more informally as grassroots organizations. Can be done through joint ventures involving migrant organizations, government or international development agencies, and local or regional bodies such as community or municipal organizations. The partners will of course have to agree as to what ‘local development’ might include.

Policy Matters cont’d: 

Policy Matters cont’d There will also be issues of which ‘projects’ to support and of how to balance general public interest (e.g. infrastructural development) and the needs of specific groups (e.g. women, school children, religious associations and dance and musical troupes etc) There are a number of organizational forms that this injection of funds, skill-based learning etc can take. The central question of course is whether existing migrant associations and their home branches provide a suitable organizational mode. One of the problems identified in the Peruvian case is the degree to which such organizations are politically motivated around the ideology and programmes of particular political parties or factional groupings. There is also the issue of which social sectors in the village and town are most likely to benefit from all this new well-meaning development aid? These are very entangled problems.

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THAT’S ALL FOR NOW!